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Malabar Manual Vol 1 CHAPTER III. HISTORY
William Logan!
Section (D). THE PORTUGUESE PERIOD. A. D. 1498 – 1663

The next adventurer who weathered the Cape of Good Hope was an unlettered man “of middle stature, rather stout, and of a florid complexion.” He was of noble birth. In character he is described as being possessed of “a violent and passionate temper,” which led him to the commission at times of atrocious cruelties. But he could, when he chose, command his temper, and he had a large fund of dissimulation.”

His great qualities were “indomitable constancy” and a will which brooked no questioning. The most pleasing trait in his character was his affection for his brother, who sailed with him in this voyage of exploration.

Starting from Belem near Lisbon on the 25th of March 1497, Vasco da Gama’s fleet consisted of three small vessels called the San Raphael (his own ship, 100 tons), the San Gabriel (his brother Paulo da Gama’s ship 120 tons), and the San Miguel (commanded by Nicholas Coelho, 50 tons). Each ship carried eighty men officers, seamen and servants.

After a voyage of nearly five months the fleet arrived at St. Helena Bay (18th August 1497). From that point they stood out to sea for one month and then made for the land. Failing in weathering the Cape on that tack, they again stood out to sea for two two months, and on making for the land they found that they had weathered the Cape (November 1497). After entering one or two rivers east of the Cape they left the coast, and on. 8th December 1497, the squadron encountered a great storm and the crews rose in mutiny.

The officers stood by their commander, the ringleaders were put in irons, and the ships went on their way sighting the coast of Natal on Christmas Day. On 6th January 1498 the squadron entered the River of Mercy (des Reis or De Cobre), and there they remained for a month careening the ships and breaking up the San Miguel, the crew of which was distributed between the other two ships, Coelho himself thereafter sailing with Vasco da Gama in the San Raphael .

Leaving the place in February, they passed the banks of Sofala and in the end of March the expedition reached Mozambique, There they remained about twenty days and left it on Sunday, 8th or 15th April. On 21st April the squadron reached Mombasa, and on Sunday, 29th April, Melinde.

Their stay at Melinde extended to three months, for the “new moon of July” was the beginning of the season for departure from Melinde for India.

The king of Melinde most hospitably entertained the strangers, and provided them with pilots and with a broker to help them in their trade. And it was by his advice that the expedition eventually sailed for Calicut instead of for Cambay whither the broker wished to take them. Leaving Melinde on 6th August 1498, the two ships ran across with the south-west monsoon and sighted the coast of Malabar on 26th August.

The pilots foretold that the first land to be seen would be “a great mountain1 which is on the coast of India in the kingdom of Cannanore, which the people of the country in their language call the mountain Delielly, and they call it of the rat, and they call it Mount Dely, because in this mountain there were so many rats that they never could make a village there.”

NOTEs: Conf. p. 7. END OF NOTEs

Running down the coast from Mount Deli the expedition passed Cannanore without stopping, which town seems to have presented much the same appearance then as it does now, for it is described as “a large town of thatched houses inside a bay.”

The ships continued running along the coast close to land, for the coast was clear without banks against which to take precautions: and the pilots gave orders to cast anchor in a place which made a sort of bay, because there commenced the city of Calicut. This town is named Capocate.”2

NOTEs: Conf. p. 73. END OF NOTEs

Shortly afterwards Da Gama appears to have moved his ships a few miles to the northward and to have anchored them inside the mudbank lying off Pantalayini Kollam.

The arrival of this Portuguese expedition aroused at once the greatest jealousy in the Moors or Muhammadans, who had the Red Sea and Persian Gulf trade with Europe in their hands, and they immediately began to intrigue with the authorities for the destruction of the expedition. There appear to have been three persons in authority under the Zamorin, the Overseer of the Treasury, the king's Justice, and the Chief Officer of the Palace Guard. The two first of these were the first to be liberally bribed to obstruct the new-comers.

Accordingly, when Da Gama sent Nicholas Coelho on shore with a message to the Zamorin asking him to sanction trade, the authorities tried his temper by making him wait, thinking this to cause a break with the Portuguese; but being warned by a Castilian whom they found in the place, he exercised patience, and on declining to give his message to any but the king himself, he was at last admitted to an audience, and after some further delay the king gave his sanction, written on a palm leaf, for opening trade.

Trade accordingly began, but the Portuguese were supplied with nothing in the way of goods but rubbish, and scantily oven with that. They accepted it, however, in default of better stuff, but the jealousy of the Moors prevented them eventually from getting even this much.

Da Gama accordingly determined to visit the Zamorin in person, and demanded hostages for his safe conduct. By the Castilian’s advice the nephew of the king’s Justice was accepted as a sufficient hostage. Intrigues were rife however, and when Da Gama made his first attempt to land he found that the Zamorin had gone to a place at some distance, and the authorities were prepared to take Da Gama thither by force if he landed. Again warned by the Castilian, Da Gama sent messengers in front to ascertain if the king was really there to receive him, and on finding that he was not, Da Gama, without landing, re-embarked.

Finding that he was not to be outwitted, the authorities eventually arranged for an interview. Sending a factor in front of him with the presents1 for the king, Da Gama ascertained that this time he was there and ready to receive him, and he proceeded to the interview accompanied by twelve men of good appearance and well-dressed.

He himself was “in a long cloak coming down to his foot of tawny-coloured satin, lined with smooth brocade, and underneath a short tunic of blue satin, and white buskins, and on his head a cap with lappets of blue velvet, with a white feather fastened under a splendid medal, and a valuable enamel collar on his shoulders, and a rich sash with a handsome dagger.”

NOTEs: 1. Piece of very fine scarlet cloth, piece crimson velvet, piece yellow satin, chair covered with brocade of much nap studded with silver gilt nails, cushion of crimson satin with tassels of gold thread, cushion of red satin for the feet, a hand-basin chased and gilt with ewer of the same kind “a very handsome thing,” “a large very splendid gilt mirror,” fifty scarlet caps with buttons and tassels of crimson twisted silk and gold thread on the top of the caps, fifty sheaths of Flanders knives with ivory handles and gilt sheaths. The presents were “all wrapped in napkins, and all in very good order.” END OF NOTEs

The appearance of the king at this interview in thus described. —

“The king was sitting in his chair which the factor” (who had preceded Da Grama with the presents) “had got him to sit upon: he was a very dark man, half-naked, and clothed with white cloths from the middle to the knees ; one of these cloths ended in a long point on which were threaded several gold rings with large rubies which made a great show. He had on his left arm a bracelet above the elbow, which seemed like three rings together, the middle one larger than the others, all studded with rich jewels, particularly the middle one, which bore large stones which could not fail to be of very great value. From this middle ring hung a pendant stone which glittered : it was a diamond of the thickness of a thumb ; it seemed a priceless filing.

Round his neck was a string of pearls about the size of hazel nuts, the string took two turns and reached to his middle; above it he wore a thin round gold chain which bore a jewel of the form of a heart surrounded with large pearls, and all full of rubies ; in the middle was a green stone of the size of a large bean, which, from its showiness, was of great price, which was called an emerald ; and according to the information which the Castilian afterwards gave the Captain Major of this jewel, and of that which was in the bracelet on his arm, and of another pearl which the king were suspended in his hair, they were all three belonging to the ancient treasury of the Kings of Calicut.

“The king had long dark hair all gathered up and tied on the top of his head with a knot made in it ; and round the knot he had a string of pearls like those round his neck, and at the end of the string a pendant pearl pear-shaped and larger than the rest , which seemed a thing of great value. His ears were pierced with large holes with many gold ear-rings of round beads.

"Close to the king stood a boy, his page, with a silk cloth round him: he held a red shield with a border of gold and jewels, and a boss in the centre, of a span’s breadth, of the same materials, and the rings inside for the arms were of gold ; also a short drawn sword of an ell's length, round at the point, with a hilt of gold and jewellery with pendant pearls.

“On the other side stood another page, who held a gold cup with a wide rim into which the king spat; and at the side of his chair was his chief Brahman, who gave him from time to time a groom leaf closely folded with other things inside it which the king ate and spat into the cup.”

Da Gama on reaching the king’s presence made profound salutations, and the king, bowing his head and his body a little, extended his right hand and arm, and with the points on his fingers touched the right hand of the Captain Major and made him sit- upon the dais upon which he was.”

But Da Gama declined the honour, and remained standing during the interview,1 in which he pressed for freedom to trade in the produce of the kingdom, explaining what he could give in return.

NOTEs: The Zamorin’s return present to Da Gama consisted of twenty pieces of white stuff very fine with gold embroidery ‘‘which they call Beyramies,” twenty other pieces called “Sinabafes,” ten pieces coloured silk, four large leaves of Benzoin as much as a man could carry, and in a porcelain jar fifty bags of musk, six basin of porcelain of the size of large soup basins, six porcelain jars each holding thirty pints of These things were for Da Gama himself. If he had parted amicably the king he was to have received a special present for the King of Portugal. END OF NOTEs

The interview would probably have had the desired result, but the Moors had meanwhile been busy bribing the Chief Officer of the Palace Guard, an official of great power, for “if any one entered where the king dwelt without his leave, immediately he would order his head to be cut off at the door of the palace without asking the king’s pleasure.”

To him then the Moors resorted in their alarm, and fresh dangers immediately beset Da Gama. The Portuguese had been allowed to erect a factory on shore for trading purposes, and Da Gama was at this factory after his interview with the king, when the Chief Officer of the Palace Guard arrived there with a palanquin to conduct Da Gama, as he said, to a second interview. Encouraged by the seemingly satisfactory result of the first interview, Da Gama appears to have been off his guard for the time, and accompanied by eight of his men carrying sticks—their arms having prudently been left behind—he was borne off in the palanquin.

They journeyed leisurely till nightfall and were lodged all together in a house in the middle of other houses, having for food boiled rice and boiled fish and a jar of water. Next morning the doors of their house were opened very late, and only those who wished to go out for offices of nature were permitted to do so.

Thus they remained a day and another night.

On the next day they were taken “among thickets until about midday, stifled with the great heat of the sun,” and then they reached the hanks of a river, where they were put into two Indian boats and so went on. The boat with Da. Gama went ahead and reached some houses, where rice was cooked and offered to them. The other boat with five men in it remained behind, and at night they were landed and put into another house.

“When a great part of the night had passed” a message was brought to Da Gama to say the Chief of the Palace Guard wanted to speak to him, and one man who acted as interpreter, by name Joan Nuz (Nunez), was alone permitted to accompany him. He was taken by himself through a path, in the bushes by a Nayar to a house where he was shut in by himself. The Moors tried hard to persuade the Chief Officer to kill him at this point, but he did not, it is said, dare to allow it, because the king would have utterly extirpated him and his.

In the morning Da Gama was taken before the Chief Officer, who received him very ungraciously and questioned him about the object of his voyage. Da Gama almost laughingly put him off and said he ought to take him to the king and he would tell him the truth.

The Chief Officer was very angry at receiving this answer and Da Gama did not reply to his further questions.

The next device resorted to was to get Ga Dama to promise to land all his merchandise from the ships, and to then excite the king’s cupidity by telling him it was no sin to take the goods as the Portuguese were only robbers and pirates who ought to be executed. Acting on this, Da Gama was told on the following day that the king had ordered all the goods to be landed, and he thereupon consented to do so ; but seeing in this a means of communicating with the ships and letting his brother know of the predicament in which he was placed. Da Gama added that it was necessary to send some one with a message to the ships, and this was agreed to.

The place where Da Gama and his men then were was only a league from the factory, so one Joan De Sctubal was sent in a boat to the ships to tell all that had happened. One boat load of goods was accordingly sent ashore and the goods were taken to tile factory.

Da Gama thereupon promised to send all the rest if he were allowed to go on board, but to this the Chief Officer would not consent.

Then Da Gama sent a message to his brother to say that even if all the goods were landed he did not think they would let him go ; so he directed him to send the hostages ashore with much honour and many gifts, and to make sail for Europe.

Paulo da Gama refused to obey this order, and the goods not having been landed, the Chief Officer went before the king, charged Da Gama with breaking faith, and suggested that the Moors should be permitted to take the ships and appropriate the goods for the king’s use. The king agreed to this, but the jealousy of the king’s Brahman and of his Treasurer had been aroused at the Chief Officer’s having it all his own way. and first the one and then the other interfered and pointed out that the Portuguese had so far done no harm, and great discussions thereupon arose.

At this juncture Paulo da Gama released the hostages on board honourably and with rich presents, and made pretence to sail away. The hostages demanded to be put to death by the king if Da Gama were to be slain, and their demands were backed up by both the Treasurer and the king’s Justice out of envy at the rich presents offered by the Moors to the Chief Officer of the Palace Guard. The king then seeing the ships, as he thought, departing without doing harm, repented and ordered the goods in the factory to be paid for.

He also sent for Da Gama and begged his pardon, and gave him a present and dismissed him, “asking his pardon frequently.” As Da Gama was thus going away, he met the factor coming to tell the king that the factory had been robbed. The king’s Treasurer accompanied Da Gama to his boats, and when Da Gama vowed to him he would have his revenge, he said “he regretted very much the manner in which he had been treated, but that the king was not in fault.”

On hearing from the Castilian, who returned on-shore after seeing Da Gama on board, the true account of what had happened, the king sent off a boat with one of his Brahmans to ask Da Gama to return in order to see the justice the king would execute on the persons through whose fault offence had been given to the Portuguese, and to offer also to complete the lading of the ships., but Da Gama, thankful to be safe on board once more, declined the invitation and offer.

The expedition appears to have remained for about seventy days at Pantalayani Kollam, and to have left the place about the 4th November 1498.

Running up the coast they were met by boats sent out by the King of Cannanore (the Kolattiri Raja) to intercept them, and Da Gama decided to visit the place, but declined to land.

To show his good-will, the Kolattiri sent them all they required and more for the loading of their ships, and Da Gama, was equally liberal in the goods sent in exchange : branch coral, vermilion, quicksilver, and brass and copper basins.

To the Kolattiri himself he sent a present of green cloth, brown satin, velvet crimson damask, a large silver basin, thirty scarlet cloth caps, two knives in sheaths, and five ells of darker scarlet cloth.

Thereupon the Kolattiri would not rest till he had seen the commanders with his own eyes and for this purpose, as Da Gama would not land, he had constructed for himself a narrow wooden bridge made out into the sea to the distance of a cross-bow shot, and at the extremity of it he had a small planked chamber prepared. Thither the Kolattiri came to be nearer to the ships, and there the brothers Da Gama, visited him giving and receiving valuable presents, and talking of the vile treatment received by Da Gama, at Calicut.

The Kolattiri likewise sent a present to the King of Portugal and gave Da Gama a, golden palm-leaf on which all was written.

The expedition left Cannanore on 20th November 1498, proceeded to Angediva Island, which they left, on 10th December. They readied Melinde on 8th January 1499, sailed again on 20th January, touched at Tereceira Island for the burial of Paulo da Gama in the end of August, and finally, on 18th September 1499, the two ships again reached Belem.

Of the momentous results to Asia and Europe of this most memorable voyage, this is not the place to write, as it forms part of the general history of India. Suffice it to say that the Moors of Calicut had good cause to be jealous of the Portuguese interlopers who bade fair soon to make their Red Sea and Persian Gulf trade unprofitable, and who in a very short time showed that they meant to suppress the Moorish trade on the Indian coasts altogether.

The profits realised on the cargoes taken home in Da Gama’s ships were enormous, and accordingly in the following year (1500 A.D.) a fresh expedition was fitted out and entrusted by the King of Portugal to the command of Pedro Alvarez Cabral. It was this expedition which laid the foundations of the Portuguese settlement at Cochin, and the following account thereof is extracted from Day’s Land of the Perumauls ; or Cochin, its Past and its Present ” (Madras, 1863), p. 79:

“In the following year, Pedro Alvarez Cabral was despatched from Portugal with ten ships and two caravels, carrying one thousand five hundred men besides twenty convicts, to establish a factory by fair means if possible, but otherwise to carry fire and sword into the country. Some of those who had sailed with Da Cama. accompanied him, and Bartholomew Diaz commanded one of the vessels, and five friars of the Order of St. Francis accompanied the fleet.

Cabral received secret orders that if he succeeded in negotiating with the Zamorin, he was to endeavour to induce him to banish the Moors from his dominions. On 5th March 1500 the sailors embarked, Cabral was presented with a royal banner, which had been blessed by the Bishop of Visen, and a cap which had received the Pope’s benediction ; thus armed, on the 9th the fleet commenced their voyage.

On 24th May they encountered a sudden tempest near the Cape of Good Hope, and four vessels foundered with all hands on board ; but on 13th September the remainder of the fleet arrived off Calicut. Cabral then despatched a deputation to the Zamorin of one European and four natives, the latter being some of those carried away by Da Gama, but as they were fishermen (Mukkuvar) and consequently low-caste men, the Zamorin could not receive them.

“Cabral then demanded that hostages should be sent on board to obviate any treachery in case he wished to land, and named the Cutwat1 and a chief Nayar as the most suitable persons ; they, however, declined the honour, but on other hostages bring furnished, Cabral landed with thirty officers and men.

NOTEs: The Chief Officer of the Palace Guard, who had ill-treated Da Gama. It was perhaps as well for him that he did not go on board. END OF NOTEs

"An interview then took place, at which rich presents were exchanged, and a treaty of friendship, ‘as long as the sun and moon should endure’ was entered upon.

"About this time, a vessel from Cochin of six hundred tons burden passing the port, the Zamorin requested Cabral to capture it, which he succeeded in doing, but subsequently restored it to the Raja of Cochin. A factory was soon established at Calicut in which, seventy Europeans were located. Cabral, however, found that he still progressed very slowly, having only succeeded in loading two vessels with pepper in two months. The Moors appear to have effectually prevented the Portuguese from obtaining any large supply of this valuable condiment.

"Cabral at length became very impatient at the delay, and informed the Zamorin that he must immediately receive lading for his vessels as he was anxious to return to Europe, complaining that the Moors had been served with all the spices, thus precluding his procuring any.

"The Zamorin hesitated and appeared embarrassed how to act, and Cabral, with a view to hasten his delusion, on 17th December attacked and seized a Moorish vessel, which was loading in the harbour, on which the Moors on shore became greatly excited and besieged the factory, slaughtering fifty of the Portuguese in sight of their countrymen, who, however, could render no assistance: the remaining twenty contrived to escape by swimming off to the ship’s boats, which were lying as close to the shore as was safe.

“Cabral demanded satisfaction for this outrage, but not receiving any, he bombarded the town, killing six hundred of the inhabitants ; and then seized ten of the Zamorin's vessels, to pay for the merchandise left, onshore, which was valued at four thousand ducats : some of these ships contained merchandise, and on board one of them were three elephants, which were killed and salted for the voyage.

Having thus revenged himself, Cabral sailed for Cochin, protesting that in Calicut the people could not be trusted, and that truth and honour were alike unknown, it appears, on the other hand, that Cabral was hasty and perfectly regardless of the sacrifice of human, life, being quite ready to slaughter Moors and Nayars indiscriminately, with or without provocation, and with no expectation, of doing any good.

"On 20th December1 1500, the fleet arrived at Cochin, and a Syrian Christian, Michael Jogue who was a passenger in one of the vessels (for the purpose of visiting Rome and afterwards proceeding to the Holy Land) was despatched on shore accompanied by an European to visit the Raja, Tirumumpara, who received them in a very friendly manner and sent a message to Cabral that he might either purchase spices for money, or give merchandise in exchange for them, as was most convenient to him.

NOTEs: 1. Or 24th by other accounts. END OF NOTEs

"Cabral was in every respect much pleased, with the Raja of Cochin, who, although much less wealthy than the Zamorin, and consequently not living in so much state,2 was greatly superior to him in every other respect, being honest in his dealings and intelligent and truthful in his conversation.

NOTEs: 2. It appears he was at this time tributary to the Zamorin. END OF NOTEs

"Cochin at this time was described as a long low sandy island covered with coconut trees and divided by a deep river, a quarter of a mile broad, from the neighbouring island of Baypin, or Vypeen. Passing up this river for half a mile, a wide expanse of backwater appeared, which extended for about a hundred miles north and south.

“The town of Cochin was small and situated close to the river, and in it was the Raja’s palace (where Muttancherry now stands), by no means an imposing edifice, and badly furnished. A few Moors resided there, and possessed better houses than those of the native population, which were merely composed of mats, with mud walls and roofs thatched with leaves. At this period no buildings were allowed to be constructed on stone or brick and tiled, excepting temples and palaces; but Moorish merchants were permitted to surround their dwellings with stone-walls for the security of their merchandise.

The Raja suggested that to avoid any misunderstanding and to create mutual confidence, it would be best for him to send Nayar hostages on board the fleet. This was accordingly done, the Nayars being exchanged for others every morning and evening, as they could not eat on board without violating some religious rules. An alliance of friendship was signed, and the Portuguese promised Tirumumpara at some future date to install him as Zamorin and to add Calicut to his dominions.

A factory was then given the Portuguese, in which seven factors were placed to sell their merchandise. The Raja allowed them a guard and permitted them to sleep within the walls of his palace.

One night this factory caught fire, which of course was attributed to the vindictiveness of the Moors, but no injury appears to have resulted.

“Whilst Cabral was at Cochin he received deputations from both the Rajas of Cannanore1 and Quilon, inviting him to visit them and promising to supply him with pepper and spices at- a cheaper rate than he could obtain them at Cochin, but their offers were politely declined.

NOTEs: 1. The Kolathiri.

2. Notwithstanding this it appears that as stated further down, Cabral visited Cannanore before sailing for Europe, as Da Dama had done before him. END OF NOTEs

Two natives also paid Cabral a visit and requested a passage to Europe, stating that they were members of a large Christian community residing at Cranganore (Kodungngallur), about twenty miles north of Cochin, in which some Jews of little note were also located.

"Just as Cabral was preparing to leave Cochin on 10th January 1501, a fleet belonging to the Zamorin, carrying one thousand five hundred men was descried off the harbour.

The Raja immediately sent messengers to inform the Portuguese of the appearance of the enemy and to offer them any assistance they might require. But the Calicut people held off and had evidently no wish to come to an engagement. On the following day finding that they did not attack, Cabral chased them, but was overtaken by a violent storm which carried him out to sea. He did not subsequently return, to Cochin, but put into Cannanore, where he received on board an ambassador from the Raja of that country to the King of Portugal.

NOTEs: 3. The fact no doubt was that the Cochin Raja hoped, with the assistance of the foreigners, to regain some of the power and independence of which the Zamorin, with Muhammadan assistance, had robbed him. END OF NOTEs

“From thence he proceeded to Europe, carrying with him the hostages, whom he had forgotten to land. Thus was Cochin first visited by European vessels, filled with Portuguese, who after their recent capture of the Raja's vessels, apprehended retaliation, but instead met with nothing but kindness and hospitality, as writ as every assistance in obtaining lading for their ships.

“Cabral in return, unfortunately, but as he asserted accidentally, carried off the Nayar hostages to Europe, leaving his factor and people on shore without any attempt either to provide for their safety or to reconvey them to their native land. But they were taken every care of by the Cochin Raja and subsequently honourably returned to their friends.

“As the number of vessels lost in these first expeditions counterbalanced the profits, the King of Portugal proposed that merchants should trade to India in their own vessels on the following terms, namely, that twenty-five per cent of the profits should go the king and the trade in spices remain wholly in the hands of government officials who were to decide upon all mercantile transactions even to the necessary expenditure for factors, it is hardly requisite to observe that no persons come forward to avail themselves of this extremely liberal proposition.

“The next Portuguese navigator, or rather buccaneer, who arrived in Cochin was John de Nueva, who was despatched from Portugal in March 1501 in command of four vessels. The king supposing all difficulties with Calicut amicably settled by Cabral, ordered de Nueva to leave two of these ships at Cochin and to proceed, with the remaining two to Calicut : in case he met with Cabral he received instructions to obey him as general.

“At St. Blaze he found an old shoe hanging from the branch of a tree, which contained a letter from Pedro de Tazde, giving an account of what had lately occurred at Calicut, and also of the friendly dispositions of the Rajas of Cannanore and Cochin. It was thought best on receiving this information to take all four vessels on to India as the whole force did not exceed eighty men. Nueva anchored at Anchediva in November and from thence proceeded to Cannanore where he was amicably received by the Raja, who offered him lading for his vessels. This Nueva declined until he had consulted the factor at Cochin, whilst en route, to which place he attacked and captured a Moorish vessel opposite Calicut.

“On his arrival at Cochin, the factor came on board and informed him that although the Raja was naturally extremely indignant with Cabral for having carried away his hostages and departed without bidding him adieu, he had nevertheless treated him and the other Portuguese who were left in his territory in a friendly manner.

“Being apprehensive lest their enemies the Moors might attempt to massacre them, the Raja had even lodged them in his own palace and had provided them with a guard of Nayars to protect them when they went into the town. He also stated that the Moors had persuaded the native merchants to refuse to exchange their pepper for Portuguese merchandise, and that therefore ready-money would be required for all purchases. Nueva being unprovided with this, returned at once to Cannanore, but found that owing to the machinations of the Moors, it was as necessary there as at Cochin.

He now quite despaired of procuring lading for his vessels, but the Raja of Cochin, when informed of his dilemma, at once became his security for a thousand hundred-weights of pepper, four- hundred and fifty of cinnamon, fifty of ginger, and some bales of cloth. Whilst lying off this place on 15th December, about one hunched and eighty vessels filled with Moors arrived from Calicut with the intention of attacking the Portuguese fleet. The Raja immediately offered Nueva any assistance in his power; this was however civilly declined, and all the ordnance at the command of the Portuguese vessels was speedily brought to bear on the enemy.

“By this means a number of their vessels were sunk and the remaining Moors were too much discouraged to continue the action. Owing to the generosity of the Raja, the Portuguese ships were soon loaded, and Nueva departed, leaving his European merchandise for disposal in Cannanore under the charge of a factor and two clerks. Before sailing he received an embassy from the Zamorin, offering excuses for his previous conduct and promising to give hostages if be would proceed to Calicut and there load his vessels. To this message Nueva vouchsafed no reply.

“The King of Portugal, on learning the treatment which Cabral had received from the Zamorin, was extremely indignant and determined to exact further retribution. Vasco da Gama was therefore despatched from Lisbon on 3rd March 1502, in command of an avenging squadron of fifteen vessels, being followed a short time subsequently by his cousin Stephen da Gama with five smaller ships.”

The King of Portugal originally intended that Pedro Alvarez Cabral should again command in this expedition, but Da Gama, who was engaged in superintending arrangements connected with these expeditions ashore, succeeded with difficulty in persuading the king to allow him to go on this occasion to take vengeance on the Zamorin. Among the crews went eight hundred men at arms, “honourable men and many gentlemen of birth.” Da Gama’s flagship was the San Jeronyme, with Vincent Sodre, “a relation of his,” as captain.

The fleet sailed on 25th March 1502, made the coast of Brazil, and then crossed to and weathered the Cape of Good Hope. One ship was lost in a storm off the Sofala banks, and after touching at Melinde, which they left on the 18th of August, they made the coast of India at Dabul.

Running south along the coast, Da Gama claimed for the King of Portugal the suzerainty of the sea, and this was first formally notified to the King of Batticola, who is described as “a tenant of the King of Bisnaga” (Vijayanagar).

Da Gama promulgated the conditions on which alone he would allow native trading vessels to ply, namely,

They were not to trade in pepper.

Nor bring Turks.

Nor go to the port of Calicut.

The fleet proceeding southwards came to an anchor in the ‘Bay of Marabia’1 to repair a mast and while anchored there they fell in with “a larger ship of Calicut” with “the chief merchant and the richest in Calicut” on board.

NOTEs: 1. The bay lying opposite Madayi conf. p. 229 and p. 69. The bay alluded to is that of Ettikkulam. END OF NOTEs

This individual was the brother of “Coja Casem, the factor of the sea to the King of Calicut.” There were besides more than seven hundred Moors on board. The Portuguese first looted the ship, and then, notwithstanding promises of the largest ransoms, Da Gama ordered the ship to be set on fire. The crew had been deprived of most of their arms, but with what remained they began a desperate fight. They succeeded in boarding a Portuguese ship which tackled them, and would have succeeded in taking it had not assistance arrived.

Da Gama then gave orders to sink the ship with the falconets and swivel guns. This was done, and the crew taking to the water were killed with lances. But even then they continued to resist, and one man, while swimming, hurled a lance into one of the boats and killed a Portuguese.

Da Gama was complimented on this exploit by the Kolattiri, who had hospitably treated the Portuguese factors left at Cannanore by Cabral. Da Gama proceeding thither landed, and with his men attended mass in the church.

While at Cannanore the Kolattiri visited Da Gama attended by four thousand Nayar swordsmen. He was accompanied by his nephew, “a youth and a courtly person,” who carried sword and target, “which it is their custom to carry till death.”

Da Gama arranged a treaty of commerce with the Kolattiri, the goods to be supplied at fixed prices.

He next divided his fleet ; one portion of it was to war on all ships except those of Cannanore, Cochin and Quilon, which were to be protected by passes obtained from the Portuguese factors at Cannanore and Cochin respectively. The Kolattiri allotted to the Cannanore factor ten Nayars as a guard and to carry his messages.

“These Nayars are gentlemen by lineage, and by their law they are bound2 to die for whoever gives them pay, they and all their lineage.”

NOTEs: 2. Conf. p. 138. END OF NOTEs

And even if they are of the same lineage and serving different masters, they are bound all the same to kill each other if need be, “and when the struggle is finished, they will speak and communicate with one another as if they had never fought.”

Proceeding southwards towards Calicut, Da Gama first received a message from the Zamorin by a Brahman who came dressed in one of the murdered friar’s habits. The message was to say that the Zamorin had arrested the twelve Moors who had been guilty of the outrage on the factory, and with them he would send a large sum to pay for the factory goods.

Da Gama sent back word to say that he did not want money, and referred to his treatment of the rich Moor in Mount Deli bay. But he kept the Brahman.

Da Gama’s next acts were those of a fiend in human form over which it is well to draw a veil. And his relative De Sodro at Cannanore was also guilty of great cruelty to a wealthy Moor (Coja Muhammad Marakkar of Cairo) who had insulted the Kolattiri. For the service rendered by De Sodre on this occasion the Kolattiri began, it is said, the custom of giving to the Portuguese commandants at Cannanore a gold pardao daily for their table supplies.

Da Gama went on to Cochin, which he reached on 7th November. He there keel hauled and caulked his ships and loaded them with pepper, at the same time satisfactorily settling a treaty of commerce with the King of Cochin. He also arranged a similar treaty with the Queen of Quilon. The Zamorin and the Calicut Moors had meanwhile been making great preparations to fight the Portuguese at sea.

Da Gama left Cochin with his fleet in two divisions to load up with ginger at Cannanore. Vincent Sodre with the fighting caravels ran along close inshore while the laden ships kept further out to sea. Proceeding thus they fell in with the Calicut fleet, the “first squadron” of which consisted of about twenty large ships and about fifty other “fustas” and "sambuks.”

The Portuguese with their caravels got to windward of the enemy, a light land wind blowing. The Moors were much elated at seeing the smallness of the Portuguese fleet. But the Portuguese artillery was much more powerful than that of the Moors ; the Moorish shot came “like bowls” (their powder was weak). The Portuguese succeeded in dismantling the Moorish flagship, the others collided, got into a tangle, and drifted helplessly out to sea.

Then the ships of burden came up and tackled the second squadron of the enemy, consisting of a hundred sail, chiefly “sambuks.” Standing through among them, living broadsides, the Portuguese ships did much damage ; while in return, although the Portuguese ships were covered with arrows, no harm was done as the men lay concealed. Many of the Moorish vessels were sunk, and some of them, after being deserted by their crews, were towed up as far as Calicut, there tied together, and then set on fire and allowed to drift ashore in front of Calicut.

Da Gama, buried much of his artillery at Cannanore, and obtained permission from the Kolattiri to build a wall and palisading, the key of the door of which was to remain at night in the safe keeping of the Kolattiri himself. After regulating the Cannanore factory affairs Da Gama left two hundred men there and sailed for Europe on the 28th December 1602.

Da Gama’s departure was the signal for the outbreak of hostilities between the Raja of Cochin and the Zamorin, to whom the former was tributary. The latter demanded that the Portuguese factors left at Cochin should be given up to him, and the demand was refused. A force of fifty thousand Nayars, joined by many Cochin malcontents, marched to Repelim (Eddapalli in Cochin State) on the 31st March 1503.

On the 2nd of April this army attempted to force a passage by a ford near Cranganore, defended by Narayan, the heir apparent of the Cochin State, with five thousand five hundred Nayars. The attack was repulsed, but aided with Moorish money, the Zamorin effected by treachery what he had failed to obtain by force, and Narayan was slain with two more of the Cochin princes. The Cochin Raja’s people, on this happening, became clamorous for the lives of the foreigners whose protection had led to the calamity, but the Raja remained firmly their friend.

Two Italians however deserted, and learning from them the state of panic prevailing at Cochin, the Zamorin’s forces marched thither and burnt it to the ground. The Cochin Raja thereupon retreated to the Island of Vypeen opposite Cochin, and the Portuguese with their property went with him.

As the south-west monsoon had begun, the Zamorin’s force leaving a strong detachment at Cochin, retreated to Cranganore and postponed further operations until after the Onam festival in August.

Great was their consternation and great was the joy of the beleaguered Portuguese and Raja therefore when, on Saturday, 2nd September 1503, there appeared before Cochin Don Francisco de Albuquerque with six sail. He had touched at the Cannanore factory and learning from the Kolattiri the critical position of affairs, had pushed on to Cochin just in time to relieve the small garrison.

The Zamorin’s forces were disheartened and easily driven back. And Albuquerque, taking advantage of the high favour he possessed with the Raja, sought and obtained permission to build a stockade at Cochin for the future protection of the Portuguese traders. It was accordingly commenced on 26th September 1503, and it took the shape of a square with flanking bastions at the corners mounted with ordnance.

The walls were made of double rows of coconut tree stems securely fastened together and with earth rammed firmly between; it was further protected by a wet ditch. On 30th September Albuquerque’s cousin Alonso arrived with three more ships, and as the crews of those vessels were also at once put on to the work it was soon finished.

On the morning of 1st October the fort was with great pomp christened Emmanuel, after the reigning King of Portugal and one Gaston, a Franciscan monk, preached a sermon on the occasion, blessing the day as one on which a door for the evangelization of the Hindus had been opened, and enjoining daily prayers for the welfare of Perimpatap, the Raja of Cochin.

Thus was founded the first European fort in India, for the stockade already erected at Cannanore appears to have been little more than a fence to keep out incendiaries. The Zamorin and the Moors next resorted to other tactics. The Portuguese came for pepper and spices: if unable to obtain them they might perhaps leave the coast. The utmost exertions were therefore made to prevent their getting a lading for their ships.

Albuquerque sent Pacheco into the interior to procure pepper, but what he got after great exertions and fighting sufficed to lade only one ship. He therefore proceeded to Quilon, where he was amicably relived, and easily procured, with the aid of the local Christian merchants, spices for his ships. Obtaining permission to open a factory, he left a small establishment there.

Travancore was at this time ruled by Govardhana Martanda. His territory extended from Quilon to Cape Comorin, and embraced, besides, the southern portion of the Pandyan kingdom including the port of Kayal. The Raja exacted tribute from Ceylon, kept a corps of three hundred female archers, and it is said he had not hesitated to challenge to battle the Raja of Vijayanagar.

Albuquerque sailed from Quilon on 12th January 1604 for Cochin, whence on 31st January he finally sailed for Europe, touching at Cannanore for ginger. Before doing so, however, he concluded a short-lived treaty with the Zamorin, the conditions of which were : (1) nine hundred candies of pepper as compensation, (2) Moors to give up trade with Arabia and Egypt, (3) permanent reconciliation between the Zamorin and Cochin, and (4) the delivery up of the two Italian deserters.

These terms, except the last, were agreed to by the Zamorin to the rage and indignation of the Moors, some of whom left Calicut. But the treaty was of short duration, because of the capture of a boat by the Portuguese laden with pepper intended for Cranganore. Six persons were slain and several wounded in effecting this capture.

Albuquerque, before sailing, was warned of impending dangers, and the defence of the Cochin fort was accordingly entrusted to Pacheco, a most valiant soldier. He had as garrison one hundred and fifty men including invalids, and two ships which had not been loaded with pepper were also placed at his disposal.

On 16th March 1504 the Zamorin’s force, consisting of five big guns which had been constructed for him by the two Italian deserters, the Vettatta and Kottayam and Parappanad Rajas and other chiefs, with fifty - seven thousand Nayars, together with one hundred and sixty boats linked together and armed with guns cast by the Italians attacked Pacheco's small force at the Eddapalli ferry. But the Portuguese artillery again proved completely effective, and the enemy was driven back with heavy loss notwithstanding that the Cochin Nayers (five hundred men) had fled at the first alarm.

On Sunday, the 25th March, another attempt to force the passage was made, and this time again the Zamorin was defeated by Pacheco’s daring little band.

On the Tuesday following a third attempt was made, but with no better success. The Zamorin next divided his forces and sent one part of it to force another and shallower ferry called Valanjaca. Pacheco’s resources were now put to the greatest test, for at ebb tide he had to proceed to Valanjaca and defend it, and when the flood tide made that passage impracticable for men without boats he returned to Edapalli. As a precautionary measure he had seized all the boats.

The rains set in, cholera broke out among the Zamorin’s men, and this brought a- short respite to the wearied Pacheco and his band of heroes. The Brahmans with the Zamorin finally appointed Thursday, the 7th May, for the last attack ; and it was with the utmost difficulty repulsed, the Cochin Nayars having again proved faithless.

But a partial crossing was effected at another point, and a curious incident, possible only in Indian warfare, occurred, for a band of Cherumar, who were there busy working in the fields, plucked up courage, seized their spades and attacked the men who had crossed. These being, more afraid of being polluted by the too near approach of the low-caste men than by death at the hands of Pacheco’s men, fled precipitately.

Pacheco expressed strong admiration of the Cherumars’ courage and wished to have them raised to the rank of Nayars. He was much astonished when told that this could not be done.

The Zamorin at last gave up the attempt in despair, and his power and influence waned perceptibly in consequence of his ill-success, while the influence of the Cochin Raja, on the other hand, increased considerably. On 3rd July Pacheco having brought his three and a half months toil to a happy issue, returned to Cochin in triumph, and hearing there of a partial outbreak at Quilon, he set sail, to the amazement of everybody, in the teeth of the monsoon, landed at Quilon, and speedily restored the Portuguese prestige there.

On the 1st September 1504 Suarez de Menezes arrived at Cannanore, where he was received by the Kolattiri escorted by three elephants and five thousand Nayars. After an ineffectual attempt to rescue some of the prisoners taken at Calicut in Cabral’s time, he cannonaded the place and sailed on 14th September for Cochin.

After being joined there by Pacheco on his return from Quilon in October, a successful night attack was made on Cranganore, which was held by the Padinyattedam chieftain under the Zamorin. The place was captured and was nearly all burnt. The Portuguese spared the Christian houses, shops and churches, but they looted those of the Jews and Moors.

The only other notable incident connected with Suarez’s stay on the coast was his destruction of a large Moorish fleet at Pantalayini Kollam. It had assembled there to take back a large number of Moors to Arabia and Egypt, who were leaving the country disheartened at the trade losses caused to them by the Portuguese. It was a crushing blow, for it is said Suarez captured seventeen vessels and slew two thousand men ; and the Zamorin too felt the weight of it, for he had hitherto relied on the Moors for assistance, and it was by their aid chiefly that he had obtained such pre-eminence on the coast.

On the return of Suarez and Pacheco, King Emmanuel, at a Council, resolved to bring about the complete overthrow of the Moorish trade by seizing (1) Aden, (2) Hormuz, and {3} Malacca, the two first being the ports through which their eastern trade reached Europe via Alexandria and Beyrout, and the last being that at which they exchanged goods with China.

The year 1505 was a memorable year in the Portuguese annals, for on 31st October there arrived at Cochin eight vessels, all that remained out of a fleet of twenty-two, carrying one thousand five hundred soldiers, with which Don Francisco de Almeyda, the first Portuguese Viceroy of all the Indies had sailed from Europe.

His appointment dated from the 25th March of that year, but it was made conditional on his succeeding in erecting forts at four places: (1) Anjediva Island, (2) Cannanore, (3) Cochin, and (4) Quilon. The building of the Anjediva fort was commenced directly Almeyda touched the coast on 13th September, and it is said that in digging the foundations the Portuguese came across stones bearing a cross, showing that the place had once been the abode of Christians.1

NOTEs: 1. It does not follow that they were Christian crosses, for the cross was originally a heathen emblem. END OF NOTEs

On his way down the coast he, on 23rd October, commenced, with the Kolattiri’s permission, the Cannanore fort,2 which he called St. Angelo. And he left there Lorenzo de Brito with one hundred and fifty men and two ships to defend it.

NOTEs: 2. It was probably built on the site of the existing fort at this place. END OF NOTEs

Here he was visited by the minister of Narasimha Row of Vijayanagar, who then ruled the chief portion of Southern India. South Canara had been before this time annexed in order to provide horses (Arab and Persian Gulf) for his cavalry.

Almeyda was flattered at this visit, and the minister proposed an alliance of marriage between his master’s daughter and the King of Portugal’s son.

On reaching Cochin Almeyda learnt that the factor and others, thirteen persons in all, had been burnt to death by the mob at Quilon. Thither accordingly he despatched his son Lorenzo with six vessels, with orders to ignore the massacre if lading for his ships were provided, but if not, then to take ample vengeance for the massacre. Lorenzo, finding twenty-seven Calicut vessels there, engaged and sank them all ; and after visiting the Maidive Islands (in search of Arab vessels) he touched at Ceylon and concluded a treaty with the King of Colombo.

Almeyda himself was meanwhile busy with political affairs at Cochin, arranging a new succession to the crown. He installed with great pomp the third Raja, and endeavoured to alter the succession to the throne, making it contingent on the approval of the King of Portugal. This not being approved by the elder princes, hostilities ensued. But the Portuguese hold on Cochin was increased by the strengthening and rebuilding of the fort there, a work to which Almeyda devoted all his energies.

The Zamorin had for a long time been waiting for succour from Egypt, and had meanwhile been completing with utmost secrecy preparations for a great naval attack on the Portuguese. The secret was well kept, but a travelling European, one Ludovic of Bologna, disguised as a Moslem Fakir, visited Calicut, fell in there with the two Italian deserters in the Zamorin’s employ, fraternised with them, and soon ascertained that preparations on a big scale were afoot.

He succeeded in escaping to the Cannanore fort, and was thence despatched to Cochin to lay his information before Almeyda. Lorenzo Almeyda was accordingly ordered to concentrate his ships on Cannanore, and as it happened, they rendezvoused there on the 16th March 1506, just in time to intercept an armada of Turks and Moors whom the Zamorin had launched against Cannanore. This armada consisted of two hundred and ten large vessels gathered from Ponnani, Calicut, Kappatt, Pantalayini Kollam, and Dharmapattanam.

Lorenzo Almeyda steered his ship straight between two of the enemy carrying red-coated Turkish soldiers. The Portuguese gunpowder and artillery fire again easily won the day, and the armada retreated towards Dharmapattanam. The wind falling adverse, however, they were again driven north towards Cannanore. They sent a message to Lorenzo to say they had not come to fight, and wished to pass to the northward.

To this, however, Lorenzo would not listen. He again closed with them and near three thousand Moslems, it is said, fell in the battle and the rest were scattered in all directions. The Portuguese loss was very trifling.

This victory completely established the naval supremacy of the Portuguese, and no further attempt was made to dispute it.

At the end of the monsoon in 1506, the Portuguese viceroy wisely determined to give up the Anjediva fort and to concentrate his forces in the Cannanore and Cochin forts, which sufficiently protected the trade. And it was well he did so ; for, in April 1507, the Portuguese at Cannanore had to sustain the brunt of a powerful attack from the Kolattiri, assisted both by the Zamorin and the Moors.

The old Kolattiri, the original friend of Vasco da Gama, had died and the succession to the raj had been disputed. The matter had been left to the arbitration of a Brahman nominated by the Zamorin, so that the new Kolattiri was attached to the Zamorin’s interests and was no friend of the Portuguese.

Moreover, a barbarous incident had justly incensed the people of Kolattunad. The Portuguese permitted no native vessel to ply on the coast without their passes, signed by the commandants either of Cochin or of Cannanore. Chenacheri Kurup, the minister of the old Kolattiri had some years previously sent a memorial to the King of Portugal praying for an order to the Portuguese captains not to molest the Kolattiri’s petty islands, the Laccadive group, and to permit ten native vessels to go annually to Hormuz or Gujarat for the purchase of horses, and a favourable reply had been received.

But the Portuguese captains had obstructed the carrying out of the order, and, perhaps, they had some excuse for doing so, as several Calicut Moors under cover of this permission used to carry on trade. The Portuguese captains were not therefore very particular as to what vessels they took.

And it so happened about this time that one of them, Gonzalo Vaz, meeting a vessel near Gunmumre, overhauled her papers, and, declaring a pass which she carried from Brito, the Cannanore commandant, to be a forgery, seized the rich prize, and, to avoid discovery, plundered and sank her after sewing the crew up in a sail and throwing them overboard.

The stitching had not been firm, and the corpses of the crew were washed up on the beach. One of the bodies was identified as the son-in-law of Mammali Marakkar, and the father, a very influential merchant, came to the Cannanore fort and indignantly upbraided Brito for the breach of the faith.

Brito protested his innocence, but it was not believed. And the murdered man’s family, therefore, went in a body to the Valarpattanam palace of the Kolattiri and demanded vengeance. The populace was greatly incensed, and the Kolattiri reluctantly consented to hostilities.

The Portuguese, seeing the threatening attitude of the people, withdrew within their fort, and from 27th April 1507, for a period of four months, the fort was closely invested.

Before the breaking of the monsoon, Brito communicated with Almeyda at Cochin and obtained some reinforcements and supplies, and Gonzalo Vaz was dismissed from the service. But, though informed of this act of justice, the Kolattiri was not satisfied. He obtained twenty-one pieces of cannon from the Zamorin, all communication between the town and fort was cut off by a trench, and forty thousand Nayars were entertained to besiege the place, and the Zamorin subsequently sent twenty thousand more to assist.

Brito worked hard to complete his defences. At last one morning, the besiegers advanced against the fort in twelve columns of two thousand men each, tom-toms beating, rockets and blue-lights blazing, and doughty champions dancing in front of the array, performing wonderful athletic feats.

The Portuguese poured in a destructive fire, however, and drove the invaders back before they reached the walls.

The water of the garrison came from a well1 situated a bowshot from the walls, and each time the Portuguese wished to draw water they had to fight for it, until Fernandez, an engineer, hit upon the expedient of mining a passage as far as the well and so drawing off the supply underground. The Portuguese, after this had been accomplished, made another sally and filled up the well with earth to hide the device from the enemy.

NOTEs: It is an interesting fact that the present Cannanore fort is still dependant for its water-supply on this well. END OF NOTEs

The Moors constructed ramparts of bales of cotton, and against them the ordinary cannon used had but little effect ; but the Portuguese planted a large piece of ordnance on their ramparts, and one lucky shot from it, it is said, sent the cotton bales flying and killed no less than twenty two men. After this, no attempt was made to take the fort, and the besiegers hoped to starve out the garrison. The latter were reduced to the greatest straits, and lived on lizards, rats, cats, and other animals.

On the 15th August, however, a miraculous event occurred, seemingly in answer to the prayers of the besieged to the Queen of Heaven,1 whose feast day it chanced to be, for the sea sent forth shoals of crabs and prawns, and the garrison again lived in plenty.

NOTEs: 1. Conf. pp. 34-37. The sea had probably sickened, as it does periodically, and the prawns and crabs had probably been driven on shore in consequence. END OF NOTEs

To bring the siege to a termination before the Onam festival in August, a grand final assault, both by sea and land, was planned. The boats and catamarans were easily enough driven back by the besieged garrison, but the Nayars gallantly stormed the wall and effected an entrance. So steady, however, was the Portuguese fire that they withered away before it and finally retreated.

Nearly every one of the little garrison was, however, wounded in that day’s fight ; and Brito, to conceal the exhaustion of his resources, kept up a bombardment of the town after the enemy had been repulsed, and destroyed a big mosque in which the Moors had congregated for the Friday service. But succour was at hand ; for on 27th August, a fresh fleet of eleven ships under De Cunha arrived from Europe, and their commander, with three hundred of his men, had no difficulty in driving back the besiegers and relieving the place.

The Kolattiri then sued for peace, which was granted on terms advantageous to the Portuguese. The markets of Cannanore and Cochin were thus open, and no difficulty was experienced in freighting the ships for Europe with spices.

Prior, however, to the despatch of the fleet, Almeyda, on the 24th November, made a descent on the Zamorin's shallow harbour of Ponnani, and destroyed the town and shipping. Numbers of Moors took oath to die as sahids on this occasion, and the defence of the town, the Moorish headquarters on the coast, was very stubborn. Eighteen Portuguese were killed in the assault on the place. The fleet eventually sailed for Europe on 6th December.

Meanwhile extraordinary preparations were being made in Egypt to equip a fleet to drive away the Portuguese, whose interference with the overland trade had deprived the Egyptian ruler of his chief source of revenue. Cedar trees felled on Mount Lebanon were rafted to Alexandria by sea, thence floated up the Nile, and finally transported on camel back to Suez, where twelve large ships were built under the skilled superintendence of Venetian shipwrights.

This fleet, under the command of Admiral Mir Hussain, then sailed for the coast of Konkan, carrying on board one thousand five hundred Mamluks and the Zamorin’s ambassador, Muyimama Marakkar, who had been sent to request assistance against the Portuguese.

This ambassador was among the first slain in the fight which ensued at ChauI with Lorenzo Almeyda’s ships. But Lorenzo was himself slain together with the whole of the crew of his ship, which had grounded on some fishing stakes and there remained fast. The remaining Portuguese vessels then sailed for Cochin and conveyed the news of this disaster to the viceroy.

The latter vowed vengeance ; and, with a fleet, carrying one thousand three hundred Europeans and four hundred selected Cochin Nayars, sailed for and reached Cannanore on 25th November 1508.

Hearing a rumour that the Egyptian fleet was approaching, Almeyda sailed up to Mount Deli, and while anchored there a large fleet hove in sight, which turned out to be that of the great Albuquerque, who had been sent out to relieve Almeyda of the viceroyalty. The combined fleets then returned to Cannanore and quarrels immediately ensued between the two viceroys.

In the end Albuquerque was sent to Cochin, and Almeyda, as viceroy in command of the combined fleets, sailed from Cannanore on 12th December in search of the enemy.

On the 3rd February 1500 the viceroy fell in with the Egyptian fleet, and the eighty war-boats despatched to its assistance by the Zamorin in a harbour in Gujarat. A complete victory was gained by the Portuguese, who also secured much plunder and took many prisoners.

Returning in triumph to Cannanore, Almeyda made a most brutal use of his victory by hanging some, and by blowing from cannon others, of the Turkish prisoners taken by him. The limbs of the victims of his revengeful fury are said to have been showered over the Moorish town of Cannanore as a warning to Moslems not to provoke the Portuguese to vengeance.

On reaching headquarters at Cochin (8th March 1509)), Almeyda still delayed handing over charge of his office to Albuquerque. The disputes between them continued until Albuquerque was despatched a prisoner to Cannanore and consigned to Brito’s charge.

Thus matters continued until 16th October 1500, when fresh reinforcements arrived at Cannanore from Europe under the command of Don Fernando Coutinho. Brito, the Cannanore commandant, set sail secretly the very night the fleet anchored at Cannanore to convey the news to Almeyda, for one of the first acts of Coutinho was to release the great Albuquerque from custody, and to confer on him the insignia, of his rank as viceory.

On their arrival at Cochin (29th October 1509), Almeyda quietly resigned charge of his office and made preparations to return to Europe. He was, however, never destined to reach Portugal again, for in a petty quarrel with Caffres at a place to the west of the Cape of Good Hope, the first of the Portuguese viceroys of India was mortally wounded, and the same fate likewise befell Brito, the famous defender of the Cannanore fort.

Coutinho had brought out instructions from Portugal that Calicut should be destroyed. Such had been, it is said, the counsel sent to Europe by the Kolattiri and by the Cochin Raja, both of whom envied and were afraid of the Zamorin, and benefited by his misfortunes.

Accordingly Albuquerque and Coutinho set out for and reached Calicut on 4th January 1510, timing their arrival there when the Zamorin was absent from the place.

Landing in two divisions, Albuquerque on the left took the fort by escalade and carried all before him.

Not to be outdone, the aged Coutinho, with the right division, sought and obtained a guide to conduct his party of eight hundred men straight to the Zamorin’s palace. The day was hot, Coutinho himself had no helmet or other head covering. The country through which his division passed was thickly covered with orchards and the gardens were divided from each other (as they are now) by massive earthen embankments.1

NOTEs: 1. The palace alluded to is still pointed out as that of which the mounds forming the foundations now alone exist on both sides of the main road from the Mananchira Tank towards Beypore. It is there that the Zamorins are still crowned. END OF NOTEs

Proceeding thus, it is said, for a mile and a half, the palace was at last reached, and the Chief Officer of the Palace Guard and two other chieftains defending it were slain. The palace was sacked, the treasure and royal emblems accumulated for ages were seized, the precious stones were picked out of the idols, and excesses of all kinds were committed. Overcome by fatigue Coutinho lay clown to rest on a couch in one of the most spacious halls, and it is said he slept for over two hours.

Suddenly he was roused by the wild shouts of the returning foe, the Nayar guards (the agambadi ) poured in from all directions before he could rally his men ; the Portuguese knew not which way to turn in their ignorance of the locality, and the Nayars overwhelmed them with showers of arrows and javelins.

Albuquerque arrived on the scene too late to save his friend ; Coutinho and eighty of his men were slain, and Albuquerque himself escaped with difficulty. The palace was on fire, and two of the guns were in the hands of the enemy. He made a great but ineffectual effort to retake them, and then retreated. The earthen embankments among the orchards obstructed his men, and at such places the Nayars pressed them hard and wounded many of the Portuguese.

Albuquerque himself was first wounded by a bullet in his foot, and then by a stone which knocked him down insensible. Laying him on shields, he was carried without further mishap to the shore, and on reaching this the Portuguese made good their retreat to the ships under cover of the guns of the fleet commanded by Captain Rebello.

They left, however, one hundred of their number behind.

After returning to Cochin and giving the wounded some time to recover, Albuquerque next set out on an expedition against Hormuz; the headquarters of the Moslem trade in the Persian Gulf. Proceeding up the coast he touched at Honore, and was there prevailed on by the chieftain Timmaya, to attack him before proceeding to Hormuz.

The chieftain of Goa, Subbayi, had lately died. He had succeeded in collecting around him a large following of divers nations, and piracy on a large scale was there carried on.

Adil Khan, his successor, was absent at the time, and Goa fell an easy prey to Albuquerque aided by the Honore chief. On 25th February 1510 Albuquerque entered the place in triumph, and found great booty, including a large number of horses intended for sale to the Vijayanagar Raja.

The advantage of having a deep harbour like Goa, available for shelter for even his largest ships in the south-west monsoon season struck Albuquerque very forcibly, and he determined at once to make it the capital of the Portuguese possessions in India. And to this end he set about strengthening its defences. He accordingly stayed there till the monsoon set in, and meanwhile despatched an embassy to Vijayanagar, proposing an offensive and defensive alliance against the Moslems.

But Adil Khan then returning, laid siege to the place, and so effectually intercepted supplies that Albuquerque was compelled at last to evacuate the place and to retreat to Ra-bunder, where he remained in great stress for provisions all through the monsoon. Many desertions from the Portuguese ranks took place at this time. At last, taking advantage of a break in the weather, he made good his retreat to Anjediva (August 1510), and on 15th September arrived at Cannanore

There in a large tent erected in front of the fort a grand durbar was held, attended by the Kolattiri, his minister Chenacheri Kurup, and Mammali Marakkar, the chief Moor of Cannanore.

At this council an urgent message was received from Nuno, left in command at Cochin, that the viceroy would at once return thither, because the reigning Raja had, under Brahman advice, decided to relinquish the throne according to custom on the death of the senior Raja, which had just taken place.

The ruling Cochin Rajas had been previously in the habit of retiring to a pagoda to lead the lives of hermits directly their seniors in the family died. This custom was now to be broken through in deference to the wishes of the Portuguese, to whose interest it was that the next senior in the family, an ally of the Zamorin’s, should not succeed to the raj.

It was, however, with much reluctance and with a heavy heart that the reigning Raja was prevailed upon to do so, and it was only when a number of his chieftains presented themselves, tendered fealty, and advised that the Brahmans should not be listened to in this matter, that he consented to break through the customs of his ancestors.

Albuquerque tried to reassure him and said, “Brahmans’ have ceased to rule this kingdom. The mighty arm of the foreigner must be respected in future. Seek asylum therefore in the royal favour of the King of Portugal, and you will never be forsaken.”

In the end of September Albuquerque decided on a second expedition against Goa, and a fresh fleet from Europe arrived just as he was organising the expedition and enabled him to make up his force to the necessary strength.

On arrival at Cannanore, however, the men broke into mutiny on hearing that a force of nine thousand Turks had been prepared to meet them. The Zamorin too sent a force under the rival Cochin claimant to draw off the Kolattiri from the Portuguese alliance.

Albuquerque was, however, equal to the occasion ; he eventually persuaded the Kolattiri minister, Chenacheri Kurup, to join his expedition at the head of three hundred picked Nayars, and this shamed his own men into facing the dangers in front of them.

Proceeding up the coast, the expedition touched at Honore, and after engaging the chief of that place, Timmayya, to assist him against Goa, and on learning that Adil Khan was again absent from the place, Albuquerque determined on immediate attack. He reached Goa on St. Catherine’s day, 6th November 1510, and after a contest lasting only for six hours the place fell into his hands.

Albuquerque took a statesmen-like view of his position, and it was under his orders that the foundations of Portuguese power in India were laid. Besides building forts and churches and carrying out various public works with Moorish spoils, he encouraged his men to marry the native women, and on them he bestowed the lands taken from the Moors. To the mixed race thus produced he looked for the formation of a native army which should be as powerful by land as his fleet was by sea.

Adhering to these views with firmness, he ably carried them out. But the people under him thirsted to be rich ; the means they adopted to this end were very frequently most unscrupulous, and all such irregularities Albuquerque repressed with a heavy hand. He thus made numerous enemies among his own people.

From November 1510 Goa finally supplanted Cochin as the chief Portuguese settlement, and the effect of the capture was so great that the different Rajas of Southern India voluntarily sent embassies to Albuquerque acknowledging the Portuguese supremacy.

To ruin the Moslem trade in India and the East had been the aim of all the Portuguese commanders from Da Gama’s time downwards. And Albuquerque’s next blow was aimed at their China trade, the emporium of which was at Malacca. This city he took in July 1511.

Narrowly escaping being drowned in shipwreck on his way back, he landed at Cochin in February 1512 among great demonstrations of joy as the Moors had been industriously circulating rumours of his death.

To his sorrow, however, he found that his countrymen had in the interval been associating indiscriminately with the natives, and had abandoned themselves to vice and crime. To stop this he constructed a barrier to separate the fort from the town, and made a rule that any one other than a Christian entering the Fort should forfeit his life. In consequence of this rule over four hundred Cochinites, including some Nayars voluntarily embraced Christianity. For their benefit the viceroy established schools.

Leaving Malabar in September 1512, Albuquerque next proceeded to Goa and thence he set out on another distant expedition against Aden, after putting in train a scheme for building a fort at Calicut and for entering on a treaty of peace with the Zamorin, It was in spite of the expressed dissatisfaction of the Kolattiri and of the Cochin Raja that he endeavoured to come to terms with the Zamorin, and as all their influence was exerted to thwart the plan, the negotiations did not make much progress, and they came to a standstill altogether directly Albuquerque sailed for Aden and the Red Sea.

Returning with a heavy heart from his unsuccessful expedition against Aden in August 1513, an opening was presented to Albuquerque for a good understanding with Calicut in consequence of the succession to the raj of the member of the family who had hitherto encouraged the idea of an alliance with Portugal.

By a treaty with the Zamorin the Portuguese would be enabled to curtail their expenditure at Cochin, for their establishment to protect Cochin from invasion, especially at the Eddapalli ferry, had always to be maintained on a war footing whilst the Zamorin was their foe. Albuquerque landed at Calicut, had an interview with the Zamorin, and arranged the following terms of peace with him: —

The Portuguese were to erect a fort at Calicut in a locality of their own selection.

They were to be permitted to trade as they pleased.

They were to be permitted to barter European goods for pepper whilst all other traders1 were to pay for it in cash.

The annual quantity of pepper to be supplied to them was fixed as fifteen thousand candies, and the price to be governed by that prevailing at Cochin.

NOTEs: 1. The Moors alleged that one of the conditions was that, they should be permitted to load four vessels annually for the Red Sea, but as soon as the Calicut fort was finished the Portuguese broke faith with them and forbade any further trade with Arabia, and any trade whatever in pepper or ginger (Rowlandson's Tahafat-ul Mujahidin, p. 112). It is doubtful however if this was so, and reference is probably made to the proposed terms embracing a condition to the said effect offered by Albuquerque prior to his Aden expedition, which terms were not accepted at the time. END OF NOTEs

A moiety of the customs revenue was to be paid as tribute to the King of Portugal. The loss incurred by the destruction of the factory planted by Cabral was to be made good from the Zamorin’s treasury.

In accordance with this agreement, the Portuguese set to work to erect a fort at Calicut. The site selected appears to have been on the northern bank of the Kallayi river at the southern extremity of Calicut. The position chosen had the advantage of being flanked on two sides by water. The fort was square in form with flanking bastions at the corners facing the sea. The Zamorin personally exerted himself to help the engineer, Thomas Fernandez, who built it.

This arrangement with the Zamorin increased Albuquerque’s fame in Europe. He sent tigers and elephants to Portugal ; some of them were passed on to Rome. His zeal was, however, disparaged by slanderers among his own officers, and the King of Portugal began to take alarm at his increasing renown.

In February 1515, Albuquerque set out on his last expedition for ruining the Moslem trade, and this was directed against Hormuz, the emporium of the Persian Gulf. This place fell an easy conquest.

But meanwhile the slanderers’ tales had been listened to and Albuquerque’s supersession had been decreed. His successor, Suarez, sailed in April and reached Goa on 2nd September 1515. Albuquerque was still absent on the Hormuz expedition, and a ship was despatched to convey to him the news. His anguish was great when he came to know that men whom he had sent in disgrace to Europe had returned in high offices of State.

“Oh holy Jesus, deliver me from this dilemma. When I serve my king loyally, the people hate me! When I serve the people the king hates me! I have had enough of this ; it is time for me to hid farewell to the world. Ah! do not forsake an aged man.”

Falling ill of dysentery, he saw his end approaching, and placidly acquiesced therein. His ship arrived at Goa on 16th December ; a boat was despatched to shore to fetch a priest ; he received the last offices of the Church, and on the 17th he died, aged 63 years.

Albuquerque was greatly beloved by the natives for his justice and honesty. These good qualities lived long in their memories, and offerings and vows were made at his tomb by all classes and creeds among the natives.

The events of the next few years do not present many features of interest. But an important change came over the Portuguese administration. In 1517 a Finance Minister was sent out from Europe to control expenditure, and as a check on the hitherto unlimited powers of the Viceroy. Dissensions of course arose directly he tried to exercise his authority, and in the end he had to go home.

From this time forward the Home Government displayed great jealousy and suspicion in regard to the acts of its Indian administrators, and frequently cancelled their orders. This treatment naturally produced indifference in public affairs, and resulted in every one connected with the administration striving to amass wealth without caring much how it was obtained.

In 1517 Suarez arranged a treaty with the Queen of Quilon. Compensation was given for the loss of the former factory, control of the pepper trade was obtained, and a fresh factory was erected, probably on the site of the existing fort at Tangasseri.

An unsuccessful expedition against Jeddah, and the subjugation of Egypt by the Turks, also marked this year. The impending trouble from a fresh Egyptian expedition consequently passed over.

In 1518 expeditions were sent to the Maldives and to Ceylon, and in the end of the year a change of viceroys took place, Scqueria succeeding Suarez.

In 1519 some trading Moslems, taking advantage of the weakness of the Portuguese factory at the Maldives, massacred the garrison, and from this time forward the islanders, including probably those of Minicoy, were not interfered with by the Portuguese, and in course of time became Muhammadans.

In this same year in September, the Quilon, or rather Tangasseri fort (Fort. Thomas) was begun secretly by the Commandant Rodrigues under pretence of repairing the factory, and was completed and armed ; and, under the conditions of the agreement giving the Portuguese the control of the pepper trade, Rodrigues seized five thousand bullock-loads of that article which certain traders from the East Coast had collected in barter for five thousand bullock-loads of rice, and which they were on the point of taking across the ghauts via the Ariankavu Pass.

From that time forward, East Coast merchants were afraid to cross by that puss for trade at Quilon and it gradually fell into disuse. It was in this year also that Scqueria, the Viceroy, with a band of men witnessed near Cochin a duel1 on a very big scale between a chieftain of the Zamorin and a chieftain of Cochin. Four thousand men were engaged on each side, and while the fighting was in progress one of the Portuguese struck in with the Zamorin ’s men, whereupon the Cochin men sent a flight of arrows into the Portuguese spectators and killed five of thorn, putting the rest to flight.

NOTEs: Conf. p. 169. END OF NOTEs

In January 1520, another expedition against Jeddah was despatched, but it seems to have accomplished little or nothing, and in the monsoon of that year, Fort Thomas at Tangassori was besieged. The garrison, numbering only thirty Europeans, had rice to eat, but little else, and were driven to making curry of rats to give their rice a flavour.

In August, however, provisions and reinforcements arrived from Cochin, and the two Queens of Quilon sued for and obtained peace.

In 1521 the Cochin Raja, smarting under the recollection of the former defeats sustained at the Zamorin’s hands, thought he saw a favourable opportunity for attacking the latter, which he did with a force of fifty thousand Nayars, and the Portuguese, disregarding treaty obligations sent some gunners to assist him. But the Brahmans came to the Zamorin’s assistance, and by cursing the land which gave protection to the Parangis (Portuguese), succeeded in making many of the Cochin Raja’s followers desist from the enterprise, and the rest were easily driven back into their own limits.

The Portuguese too, under Scqueria, made themselves very much disliked by the natives by refusing to recognise their own passes to native ships engaged in trade ; in fact, the Portuguese ship captains became little better than organised pirates. Petitions went home, particularly from Cannanore, and in consequence of these Scqueria was recalled and Don Duarte de Menezes came out as Viceroy with orders to maintain peace and to propagate Christianity.

In January 1523, Menezes came to Calicut, and there found to his astonishment that things were rapidly assuming a warlike aspect. The Zamorin was dead and his successor did not favour the Portuguese alliance. Moreover, the piratical acts of the Portuguese had made the Moorish merchants desperate.

The Viceroy, to avoid war, adopted the readiest means for bringing it on by overlooking insults to his people. His own Secretary (Castro) was grossly insulted in Calicut bazaar and driven back with his retinue into the fort, by the rabble with stones, several of the retinue being wounded, and no notice was taken of the affront. When therefore Menezes sailed with all the available ships to Hormuz, a Moorish merchant, one Kuti Ali of Tanur had the effrontery to bring a fleet of two hundred vessels to Calicut, to load eight ships with pepper, and to despatch them with a convoy of forty vessels to the Red Sea before the very eyes of the Portuguese.

On the 11th or (perhaps) 21st of September 1524, “there arrived at the bar of Goa D. Vasco da Gama, who discovered India, as Viceroy of India.” He came in great state as befitted his position, with a fleet of fourteen ships carrying three thousand men, and his mission was to reform the abuses which had crept, into the administration. On reaching the land at Dabul “and with the wind becalmed, during the watch of daybreak, the sea trembled in such a manner, giving such great buffets to the ships, that all thought they were on shoals, and struck the sails, and lowered the boats into the sea with great shouts and cries and discharge of cannon.”

On sounding, they found no bottom, “and they cried to God for mercy, because the ships pitched so violently that the men could not stand upright and the chests were sent from one end of the ship to the other,” The trembling came, died away, and was renewed “each time during the space of a Credo.”

The subterranean disturbance lasted about an hour, “in which the water made a great boiling up, one sea struggling with another.” When daylight was fully come, they saw the land. Da Gama maintained his presence of mind during this trying scene, and reassured his men by telling them that even the sea trembled at the presence of the Portuguese.

Da Gama went to Cannanore and stayed there for three days, during which time he insisted on the Kolattiri surrendering a notorious pirate chief called Bala Kansan, who was thereupon thrown into a dungeon in Cannanore fort.

Passing Calicut, where there were commotions but no fighting, Da Gama proceeded to Cochin and took measures to bring Menezes, the Viceroy, to account for his actions by arresting both him and his brother D. Luiz, the good Governor of Cochin.

But Da Gama had fallen sick and Menezes hoped to continue in his post if his illness proved fatal. In this, however, Da Gama forestalled him by orders issued from his sick bed, and he sailed for Europe before the illness took a fatal turn.

Da Gama died “at 3 o’clock after midnight on the 24th day of December of this present year of 1524.”

“Feeling his death approaching (he) passed from the fortress to the houses of Deogo Pereira which were close by in the court of the church.” After death, his body “was carried to the monastery of St. Anthony and1 buried in the principal chapel.”

NOTEs: The quotation in the text is from Correa's "Lendas da India" (Stanley’s translation). There has been much conjecture as to the exact place of the great Du Gama’s burial at Cochin. The monastery belonged to the Franciscans, and the principal chapel thereof was probably dedicated, as Correa and P. Barreto de Resende state, to St. Anthony. Castanheda, on the other hand, says the burial took place in the Cochin cathedral. Barros and San Roman say it was the monastery of St. Francis. Correa's account written so near the time is entitled to the fullest credit, and there can be little doubt that it was in the Franciscan chapel of St. Anthony that Da Gama’s body was first laid to rest.

Much has been written about the vandalism of the British Government in having blown up the church where Da Gama’s remains rested, but, the charges are without foundation, for the chapel, rebuilt by the Dutch, still exists as the European Protestant place of worship down to the present day. Da Gama's body was removed to Portugal in 1538 and deposited first at Vidigueira. His remains now rest, in a. chapel at Belem, the port whence he set out on his adventurous voyage. They were transferred to this last resting place with much ceremony so lately as Juno 1880. END OF NOTEs

On this tomb, there was “a square grating surrounding the grave, of the height of a span, lined with a black velvet, and a black and white fringe placed upon a velvet cloth which covered all the grave.”2 Short as was the time during which Da Gama held office, he did much to rehabilitate the reputation of the Portuguese. He purged the settlements visited by him, and selected the ablest officers to conduct affairs.

NOTEs: There is pointed out in the Protestant Church at Cochin a tomb-stone in the pavement of the church bearing the name “Vasco” in legible characters thereon, the remainder of the name has become obliterated. The top of the stone bearing a coat of arms is broken, but if the top there now is the real top of the stone on which the name “Vasco” is engraved, then it is almost certainly not Da Gama’s tomb-stone, as the coat of arms is different from that of Da Gama. END OF NOTEs

De Souza under his orders relieved Calicut, engaged the famous Kutti Ali’s fleet at Kappatt and drove it to Pantalayani Kollam. Taking up the chase next day, De Souza drove the fleet before him as far as Cannanore, where the sailors having abandoned it, it fell a prey to the Portuguese.

Meantime the young George Tellia had encountered the younger Kutti Ali near Goa and had defeated him too.

When the royal despatch was opened after Da Gama’s death, it was found that Henry Menezes had been appointed to succeed him in the event of his death. About the time of Da Gama’s death, the Moors, with the Zamorin’s approval, made an onslaught on the Cannanore Jews and Christians, the reason alleged being that the Moors had resorted to various tricks for adulterating the pepper, etc., brought to market, and some Jews and Christians had been specially selected to discover such tricks and mete out justice to the offenders.

Assembling from Calicut, Pantalayini Kollam, Kappatt, “Turlcoz” (?Trikkodi), Chaliyam, Parappanangadi, “Travancore ” (?) Tanur, Paroni, Ponnani, and Baleenghat,” the Moors mustered a fleet of one hundred grabs and attacked Cranganore. They slew many Jews and drove out the rest to a village to the east, but when they attacked the Christians, the Nayars of the place retaliated, and, in turn drove all the Moors out of Cranganore.

One of the first acts of Henry Menezes’ rule, when he arrived at Cannanore on his way to the south from Goa, was to order the execution of the pirate Bala Hassan, who had been delivered up by the Kolattiri on a demand from Da Gama. This man was related to the family of the Arakal Raja of Cannanore (Mappilla), and bribes to a large amount were offered for his release, but in vain.

The Kolattiri also offered a visit to the Viceroy to intercede for him, but the execution was not stayed. The Moors were greatly disgusted at this and decided that in the future they should act independently of the Kolattiri altogether. And the Kolattiri on his part asked the Viceroy to punish those Moors who had taken refuge at Darmapattanam Island. An expedition was accordingly organised, and the towns, bazaars and shipping at Darmapattanam and at Mahe were destroyed (January 1525).

On reaching Calicut, Menezes found that the place had been attacked by the Zamorin’s troops ; but notwithstanding this, the Zamorin pretended he was now inclined to sue for peace. Pushing on to Cochin, Menezes there received another message from the Zamorin asking for peace, but in reality it was only a pretence to gain time till the setting in of the monsoon.

Hurrying his preparation, therefore, Menezes determined to strike the first blow, so he sailed for Ponnani and there burnt the town and seized or burnt the shipping (26th February 1525).

Pantalayini Kollam, the emporium of the trade with Mecca, next occupied his attention. It was defended by three bastions on a hill1 with many guns. A canal had been dug communicating with the sea and the ships and mercantile warehouses lay along this canal. The town was defended by twenty thousand Nayars and Moors.

NOTEs: 1. The present graveyard hill apparently. END OF NOTEs

Menezes arrived before it one evening, and both parties made great preparations for the fight on the morrow. The Portuguese next day landed in three divisions and were completely victorious, taking, it is said, two hundred and fifty cannon and quantities of ammunition. The town and bazaar and shipping were all burnt, and the Portuguese carried off with them forty vessels to Cannanore, where they arrived on 11th March 1525.

The effect of this victory was great, and the reputation of the Portuguese for valour was revived. The Viceroy next dealt with the Laccadive Islands, which are eighteen in number. Orders had come from Portugal that if the Kolattiri would supply all the coir (for which the islands are famous) required by the Portuguese at a cheap rate, he might keep the islands. Menezes, at an interview with the Kolattiri, then demanded a thousand candies per annum of coir.

The Kolattiri replied he could not undertake to supply this quantify and said he preferred giving up the islands. This was accordingly done, and Menezes stationed there forty soldiers and imposed an import duty on all rice taken to the islands. With the sum thus collected, he was able to buy the coir required and to pay for the establishment.

He next blockaded the coast to intercept the supplies of rice required at Calicut, and two naval actions, both in favour of the Portuguese, were fought near Mount Deli. War with the Zamorin was clearly impending, although he still pretended to want peace with a view to throw the Portuguese off their guard ; so the Calicut fort was first provisioned and strengthened for the monsoon season, and Captain Lima, with three hundred men, undertook its defence.

The Kurumbranad Raja and Tinayancheri Elayad invested the place with their Nayars directly the monsoon set in, and they were helped by a band of Moors under the command of a skilled European engineer who had three years before, been made a captain at the siege in Rhode Island by the Turks (1522), and who, having been taken prisoner, renounced Christianity and became a Muhammadan.

He threw up trenches and placed guns in Vannattan paramba, south of the fort, and in the street of Chinakkotta (Chinese fort). The Portuguese retired within their fort after destroying all outlying warehouses and buildings. They had water and rice sufficient for one year, and curry stuff and oil for one month.

On the 13th June 1525, the Zamorin himself came with an additional force, and Lima, although the monsoon was then blowing, despatched a boat to Cochin for assistance. The boat reached there after much buffeting on 10th July, and one hundred and forty men were despatched to succour Calicut. Only thirty-five of them landed with great difficulty, owing to the roughness of the sea about the beginning of August, under protection of the fort guns.

The rest, without leaving their boats, went back to Cochin after receiving a message, shot out to them tied to an arrow, that four men were killed, that many were wounded, that five hundred men at least were required, and that provisions and ammunition were wanted most particularly.

The Zamorin spared no efforts to take the place before reinforcements could reach it. The powder magazine walls cracked, and the ammunition had to be stored elsewhere. The Sicilian engineer tried to mine under the wall, but a Portuguese renegade conveyed the news to his besieged countrymen in a song. A countermine was sunk and the miners were caught.

On a stormy night in the end of August, boats arrived and landed ammunition, bread, salted meat, and other provisions, and in the morning Lima, the Commandant, out of bravado, sealed the rampart, chucked some bundles of fresh betel leaf to the besiegers, and then proceeded to show them he had both bread and meat to eat by eating it in full view of the besiegers. On 15th October, the Viceroy arrived with twenty ships and relieved the garrison ; and on the 31st of that month an attack was made on the besiegers and they were driven back, leaving the renegade Sicilian and two thousand men dead in the trenches.

Meanwhile, the Viceroy had determined to abandon the fort altogether, because he had news from Europe that the Turks, now rulers of Egypt, were organising an expedition to the East, and it was manifest the Portuguese could only hope to resist them by concentrating their strength. The fort was accordingly abandoned1 and it is said that the last man to leave it set fire to a train of gunpowder which killed many of the Nayars and Moors, who in hopes of plunder flocked into the fort directly it was abandoned.

NOTEs: Zein-ud-din in the Tahafat-ul Mujahidin gives a similar account, “To facilitate their doing this’’ (abandoning the fort), “they made an opening in the wall from within the fort, and in a part which was not visible to those who were without, and abandoning the fort they set sail in the ships and went away.” Ferishta’s story about the taking of the fort was probably founded on the inflated account which the Zamorin sent abroad concerning the siege. END OF NOTEs

During the rest of the year, the Viceroy was busy hunting up pirates along the coast, for no open opposition was now ever offered to the Portuguese at sea. The people, however, organised a system of fire signals, and the movements of the Portuguese ships were vigilantly watched and made known. While taking some boats near Beypore, the Viceroy received a wound in the leg, and the inflammation was increased by unnecessary exertions of a similar kind off Mahe.

He then retired to Cannanore and landed there in January 1526. But his wound grew worse and he died there on the 2nd February. His body was buried in the Church at Cannanore. It was remarked of him with wonder that he had saved no money during his tenure of office. On opening next day the royal despatches, it was found that Mascarenhas, then absent on an expedition to Malacca, was nominated as Viceroy next after Henry Menezes.

Owing to his absence, and as it was necessary to have some one at hand to organise the defence against the Turks, the next despatch was opened and Sampayo, at Cochin, was found to be the next nominee. He was informed of this, and accordingly assumed the reins of government, and at once set to work to put Goa, Cannanore and Cochin in a posture of defence to resist the expected Turkish expedition. Fort St. Angelo at Cannanore was extended up to the well on which the garrison depended for drinking water, and Fort Emmanuel at Cochin had bastions erected on the sea side of the work.

Dissensions at Mascarenhas' supersession, however, arose, and the Portuguese were divided into two parties, and party spirit ran high.

Fortunately for them, similar dissensions had arisen in the Turkish fleet despatched to India, and anxiety on that account was allayed by the news that the Turks had failed to take Aden.

This news was conveyed to Portugal by the overland route via Hormuz through the Turkish dominions, in the wonderfully short space of three months, the first occasion on winch the overland route was ever used for the purpose.

When Mascarenhas arrived from Malacca, he was favourably received at Quilon, but at Cochin he was driven again on board his ship. Sailing to Goa, Sampayo there seized him, put him in chains, and sent him to Cannanore, where, in turn, the garrison honourably received him. In July, arbitration as to the rival claims was resorted to, and the result being in favour of Sampayo, Mascarenhas sailed for Europe (21st December 1527).

Various combinations of pirate boats under the Kutti Alis were dispersed during the early part of 1528, and in September of that year there occurred a violent storm while some Portuguese ships were lying off the mouth of the Chetwai River. The wind came, it is said, from the east, but, if that was so, it is difficult to understand how several ships were driven on shore and wrecked and the crews massacred, for an east wind ought to have blown them out to sea.

In the following month, the Viceroy made a descent on Purakkat, the Nayar chieftain of which had, up to the time of the attack on Pantalayini Kollam, been a firm ally of the Portuguese and had joined them on several expeditions with his men. On that, and probably on previous occasions also, the Purakkat people, however, had been on the watch for the plundering rather than for the fighting, and while Purakkat was lazily looking on at the fight at Pantalayini Kollam and watching his chance for plunder, Henry Menezes, the Viceroy, in a rage directed one of his men to aim “at that idle fellow.”

Purakkat was wounded in the leg and fell, but concealed his feelings of indignation at the time. Afterwards, however, he joined the Zamorin against the Portuguese and was in particular present at the siege of Calicut fort. It was to take vengeance for his desertion that the Viceroy attacked his territory, and he further timed his attack so as to arrive there when the chief was absent.

On the 15th October 1528 the Portuguese took the place and obtained a very rich booty. Each of the thousand men engaged obtained as his share, it, is said, no less than eight hundred gold pallaks (ducats), and Sampayo himself got a lakh of them.

Purukkat after this sharp lesson returned to his allegiance and continued steadfast in it up to the very last.

In October 1529, Sampayo’s successor (Nunho D'Acunha) arrived with orders to send Sampayo in custody to Europe, and this was at once done when Sampayo boarded the Viceroy's ship at Cannanore on the 18th November.

The new Viceroy governed with justice and impartiality, and the Portuguese under his rule again became all-powerful, so that, in 1531 the Zamorin again began to think of a Portuguese alliance. Terms of peace were arranged, and the Portuguese selected a site for a new fort in the Zamorin’s territory. The place selected was the island of Chaliyam.1

NOTEs: 1.The site of the present terminus of the Madras Railway south-west line. END OF NOTEs

The position was well chosen for the object which the Portuguese from Cabral’s time had kept steadily in view, namely, ‘‘to ruin the trade of the Moors.”

Is2 locus ultra Calicutum duas lencas apprime navigabili aesluario impositus, mire factus eral ad Arabum infestanda commercin et Zamorini consilia exploranda, conatusque opprimendos.” And its advantages are further set out; in Zein-nd-din’s work. From their fort there the Portuguese were able as Maffeius says, to watch the Zamorin’s movements, because “the Zamorin, his troops, and, indeed, all travellers of whatever description were obliged to pass” that way along the coast, and the fort “thus commanded the trade between Arabia and Calicut.”

NOTEs: 2. Maffeius, lib, ix. p. 208. END OF NOTEs

Securely posted at Chaliyam, the Portuguese, with the aid of their armed boats, which could ply at all seasons of the year as far up the Beypore river as Arikkod, and even farther into the very heart of the ghaut forests, were in an unequalled position to harass the Zamorin by overhauling all traffic between the portions of his dominions lying to the north and to the south of that river. This armed patrol service in fact cut his dominions in half, and all merchandise passing to Calicut from the southern territory could be overhauled as it passed. Even his troops, unless they swam the river whilst the Portuguese patrol boats were absent, could not cross the stream without seeking Portuguese permission.

No wonder, then, that Zein-ud-din described the Portuguese official who negotiated the peace as a “master of the greatest subtlety and cunning and capable of employing the deepest stratagems.”

There accordingly a fort “of great solidity and strength” was built, and in making it the Portuguese were not particular as to the materials employed. They threw down the ancient Jamat mosque3 and even “demolished the tombs of the Moslems, and carried off the stones of which they had been built to complete their fortress”.

NOTEs: 3. Conf. pp. 194—95. END OF NOTEs

On being remonstrated with for this, the Viceroy himself came to the place and ordered that the materials belonging to the Portuguese only should be employed. The work of destruction went on however and it then transpired that, the local chief had sold the mosque and tombs to the Portuguese. For this he was afterwards summarily dealt with by the Zamorin.

The building of this fort exercised a most important influence on the events that followed, for the Portuguese hold of the Moslem trade grew stronger than ever in consequence. And the events of the next few years might be summed up in a few words as fruitless attempts on the part of the Moors to break the chains that bound them in this respect.

In 1537 the Portuguese made a descent on Peroney and killed Kutti Ibrahim Marakkar and others because a vessel had sailed to Jeddah with pepper and ginger without obtaining a Portuguese pass, and punishment was necessary to prevent a repetition of the act, which would have caused the Portuguese great loss.

In consequence of this the Zamorin started for Cranganore to attack the Portuguese and the Cochin Raja, but his courage failed him, and to protect the place for the future the Portuguese erected a fort at Cranganore, "by which and other acts of theirs” Zein-ud-din says, “the Zamorin was reduced to the last extremity.”

In the same year (1537) the Portuguese followed up their opponents to Kayil, to the east of Cape Comorin, and destroyed a Moorish fleet which had rendezvoused there. And a somewhat similar event occurred in the year following in 1539 peace followed, and the Zamorin’s subjects again agreed to accept the Portuguese passes.

In 1550 war again broke out in consequence of the Zamorin interfering in the succession to the chiefship of some territory near Cochin famous for its pepper. Its chief was called by the Portuguese “the great pepper-owner.”

The chief was slain and the Zamorin came south to avenge his death. The hostilities which ensued caused him to expend “much good substance, which never returned either to himself or to his posterity.’* The Portuguese retaliated by making descents on the coast towns, particularly on Pantalayini Kollam, destroying mosques and houses, and giving one-third of the inhabitants “martyrdom.”

In 1552 the Zamorin received assistance in heavy guns landed at Ponnani, brought thither by Yoosuf, a Turk, who had sailed against the monsoon.

But by 1555 the desultory war had exhausted the resources both of the Zamorin and of his Moorish subjects, and the inevitable had to be submitted to once more.

Peace was restored on condition that the Portuguese ship passes should be taken out by traders. Again, in 1557, the Moors in North Malabar began hostilities, and these continued till, in 1559, they made the usual submission and agreed to take out the hateful passes.

It was at this time (about 1559) that the Portuguese began to be most stringent in enforcing their pass rules. They confiscated all vessels not carrying their passes, even in cases in which passes had been duly taken out and had been accidentally lost, and it is alleged they were utterly unscrupulous as to what became of the crews.

Zein-ud-din, who is, however, a not altogether disinterested witness, says that they massacred the crews by cutting their throats, or tying them up with ropes or in nets and throwing them overboard. However divergent might be the views of Portuguese viceroys and commandants on other points, they appear to have been at one on this question of the advisability of destroying the Moorish trade. Their policy was, therefore, consistent and directed to one end. They began by making contraband any traffic in the articles of pepper and ginger.

They next excluded Muhammadans from the trade “in the bark of spice trees, and in the clove jilli-flower, and the herb fennel, and in produce of this kind.” Lastly, they closed to Muhammadan merchants the Arabian ports, and Malacca, and Resha, and Thinasuree, and other places,” so that there remained to the Muhammadans of Malabar “of their coast trade, nothing but the petty traffic in Indian nut, coconut, and cloth, whilst their foreign voyages of travel were confined to the ports of Gujarat, the Concan, Solmundel, and the countries about Kaeel.”

Moreover, the Portuguese also obtained the control of the rice trade from Honore, Barcelore, and Mangalore by building forts designed to prevent Malabar merchants from collecting rice in granaries and exporting it, as was their custom from these places, “to Malabar generally, to Goa, and even to the Arabian ports.”

Down to the present day an artificial famine can always be produced in Malabar by stopping its imports of grain, and it appears to have been the same in the sixteenth century. These stringent measures led to the Moors fitting out piratical fleets of small boats—chiefly at Valarpattanam, “Turkoz”1 (?Trikkodi) and Pantalayini Kollam to prey on the commerce of the Portuguese and their allies. In this they were at first very successful, and the Portuguese thereupon began an indiscriminate plunder of the property of Muhammadans, and were guilty of great oppression, for which there was none among them (Muhammadans) able or willing to grant redress.”

NOTEs: 1. Famous among the pirate chiefs who commanded these fleets stands out the name of the Kottakkal Kunhali Marakkars. The family originally hailed from Pantalayini Kollom. Probably at the time when Henry Menezes destroyed that Moorish settlement, the family moved to Trikkodi, and thence again to Kottakkal at the mouth of the Kota river. They obtained the title of Kunhali Marakkar from the Zamorin. Kunhi means a youth, a title of distinction ; Ali is the name of the Prophet’s son-in-law, and Marakkar means the doer or follower of the law —marggam—and is applied, as a title, to persons of a foreign religion like the Christians and Muhammadans. Some of the remains of their fort at Kattakkal are still to be seen. It was situated at the northern extremity of a spit of sand extending from the south across the Kota river mouth, and it completely commanded the bar of the river and the shipping which lay inside it.

The position was one of great strength against ancient artillery as it was protected on two sides (north and east) by water, on a third side (the west,) by a swampy salt marsh, through which the river, encumbered by another sand-spit stretching from the north across its mouth, has now (1885) forced its way.

On the south the narrow neck of land was easily protected by a rampart. This fort lay just opposite to Putupattanam, the ancient seat of the Tekkalankur (Southern Regent,) of Kollattunad. It would occupy too much space to relate the history of this family, whose descendants still live in Kottakkal in comparative poverty. The tombs of the first, of the Kunhali Marakkars and of the mother of the founder of the family (who had no title), are still pointed out in a building attached to the chief mosque of the place. A memorial tomb to the founder of the family, who was captured by the Portuguese and “received martyrdom,” at Goa, is also to be seen in the same building. END OF NOTEs

Nor did the Portuguese content themselves with suppressing the Muhammadan trade ; they tried to convert the Moslems to Christianity and it is related that, in 1512, they seized a large number of Moorish merchants at Goa and forcibly converted them. Of course those converts reverted to their own religion at the first convenient opportunity.

Zein-ud-din’s indictment of the Portuguese for these and similar oppressions is very forcible. They were “guilty of actions the most diabolical and infamous, such indeed as are beyond the power of description; they having made the Muhammadans to be a just and a laughing stock, displaying towards them the greatest contempt ; employing them to draw water from the wells and in other menial employments ; spitting in their faces and upon their persons ; hindering them on their journeys, particularly when proceeding on voyages to Mecca ; destroying their property ; burning their dwellings and mosques ; seizing their ships : defacing and treading under foot their archives and writings ; burning their records ; profaning the sanctuaries of their mosques ; even striving to make the professors of Islamism apostates from their creed and worshippers of their crucifixes, and seeking, by bribes of money, to induce to their apostacy.

"Moreover, decking out their women with jewels and fine clothing in order to lead away and entice after them the women of the Muhammadans ; slaying also the pilgrims to Mecca and all who embraced Islamism, and practising upon them all kinds of cruelties ; openly uttering execrations upon the Prophet of God (upon whom may the divine favour and grace for ever rest) ; confining his followers and incarcerating them. Further binding them with ponderous shackles and exposing them in the markets for sale, after the manner that slaves are sold ; and when so exposed, torturing them with all sorts of painful inflictions, in order to exact more from them for their freedom.

"Huddling them together into a dark noisome and horrible building;1 and when performing the ablutions directed by their law, beating them with slippers ; torturing them with fire ; soiling and making slaves of some, and harassing others with disgusting employments ; in short, in their treatment of the Muhammadans they proved themselves devoid of all compassion.”

NOTEs: 1. This refers to the prison of the Inquisition at Goa, called by the Portuguese “Algowar.” It was thus described by M. Dellon, who was confined in it : “This prison was more foul, dark, and horrible than any one I had seen, and I doubt whether there can be one so nauseous and appalling.” He was told that forty out of fifty Malabar pirates confined in it some years before his time hanged themselves with their turbands owing to the horrible famine they suffered. END OF NOTEs

“For how many women of noble birth, thus made captive (at sea) did they not incarcerate, afterwards violating their persons for the production of Christian children, who were brought up enemies to the religion of God and taught to oppress its professors? How many noble Saids, too, and learned and worthy men did they not imprison and persecute even unto death ! How many Moslems, both men and women, did they not compel to embrace Christianity ! And how many acts of this kind, atrocious and wicked, the enumeration of which would require volumes, did they not commit! May the All Gracious and Merciful God consign them to eternal destruction! ”

“Notwithstanding all this, however, they preserved an outward show of peace towards the Muhammadans in consequence of their being compelled to dwell amongst them, since the chief part of the population of the sea-ports consisted of Muhammadans.”

The year 1564 was an eventful year for Southern India, since it was in that year that the bulwark which the Hindu dynasty of Vijayanagar had presented against the flood of Muhammadan invasion from the north, was overthrown at the battle of Talikota. So far as Malabar itself was concerned this event, however, did not bear fruit for two centuries more.

In that same year the Portuguese were again besieged in their fort at Cannanore. The attack was however repulsed, and in retaliation the Portuguese, it is said, cut down forty thousand coconut trees to punish the inhabitants.

In 1565 the Zamorin and his Moorish allies again attacked the Cochin Raja at or near Cranganore, and in the course of a fortnight, it is said that two of the Cochin Rajas fell at the head of their troops in this war. The result was that the Portuguese enlarged and strengthened their Cranganore fort. And the Jews in this same year finally deserted their ancient settlement of Anjuvannam at Cranganore and came to Cochin, where they resided within the fort limits until Jew’s Town was built. It was completed in 1567, and the Jews in a body moved into it.

Meanwhile the coast pirates were busy, and in 1566 and again in 1568 those of Ponnani under Kutti Poker made prize of two large Portuguese vessels. In one of these ships it is said no less than a thousand Portuguese soldiers, “many of them approved veterans,’’ perished either by the sword or by drowning. Kutti Poker’s adventurous career was however cut short in 1569, for after having made a successful raid on the Portuguese fort at Mangalore, he fell in with a Portuguese fleet as he was returning south off Cannanore, and he and all his company “received martyrdom.”

The Zamorin about this time tried to arrange a combined attack on the Portuguese in all parts of the country simultaneously, and two of the confederate Muhammadan kings of the Dekhan (Ahmadnagar and Bijapur) besieged the Portuguese settlements of the north. Mutual jealousies fomented by the Portuguese, however, brought these expeditions to naught.

In 1571 an important advantage was obtained, for in that year “on the 14th or 15th of the month Sufur” the Zamorin's troops laid siege to the fort at Chaliyam, which had been such a thorn in the Zamorin’s side ever since it was built in 1351. The Ponnani, “Punnoor,” Tanur, and Parappanangadi Moors joined in, and the combined forces drove the Portuguese under Attaide, with considerable slaughter, inside their fortifications. The besiegers threw up trenches.

The Zamorin expended "a vast sum of money,” and after two months came in person from Ponnani to conduct the operations. The besieged garrison’s provisions ran short and they were driven to feed on dogs and “animals of a similar vile impure nature.”

Supplies sent from Cochin and Cannanore were intercepted. The Portuguese tried to arrange terms, and eventually, on the “10th of the month Jumadee Alakhur”, at midnight, the garrison marched out, “safe egress being afforded them,” and they were shortly afterwards sent away under the escort of the Raja of Tanur (? Vettatta Raja), who had leagued with and abetted them.

From Tanur they were shipped to Cochin. A relieving expedition from Goa arrived just too late to be of any assistance.

The Chaliyam fort had been such a source of trouble and annoyance to him, as already explained, that the Zamorin “demolished the fort completely, leaving not one stone upon another.” He made the site “a barren waste, transporting to Calicut the greater part of the stones and masonry,” whilst he gave the remainder to be appropriated for rebuilding the Jamat mosque, which the Portuguese had destroyed in building their fort. The ground and that lying round it were given, as previously arranged, to the Raja of Chaliyam (Parappanad Raja) for the assistance rendered by him on the occasion.

An event even still more important to Portuguese interests occurred in this same year (1571), for orders came out from Portugal to divide their possessions into three portions, designated India, Monomotapa, and Malacca. The decline of the Portuguese power seems to have dated from the time of this arrangement, for the consequence was a train of perplexities that distracted the Portuguese more than all the previous attacks of their enemies in India.

The war, however, still went on. In 1572 the Portuguese made a descent on Chaliyam and burnt it. In the following year Parappanangadi was attacked and four Muhammadans “suffered martyrdom.” In 1577 a fleet of fifty “grabs” returning from South Canara with vice was seized by the Portuguese and three thousand Muhammadans and sailors, it is said, were slain, and “the trade of the Muhammadans by this blow became almost annihilated.”

In the following year negotiations were opened for peace ; the Zamorin offered to allow them to build a fort at Calicut, but they wished to have one at Ponnani, to which the Zamorin would not agree. In 1579 the Zamorin was at the sacred temple of Kodungagallur (Cranganore), and the Cochin Raja, even with Portuguese assistance, failed to dislodge him from it.

Nettled at this failure, the Portuguese carried on hostilities with great rancour against the Zamorin and his subjects—at Calicut, “the new harbour” (?Putiyangadi), Kappatt, Pantalayini Kollam, “Turkoy” ('?Trikkodi) and Ponnani—attacking them at all times and seasons, cutting off intercourse between neighbouring ports, and “greatly hindering ” the importation of rice from South Canara. So that a great famine, such as had never before occurred, was the consequence, “the common people of the ports above named being deprived of all means of subsistence.”

About this time a merchant of Venice, Cæsar Frederick, paid a visit to the coast, and among other interesting bits of information he gives the following : “And from thence (Barcelore) you shall go to a city called Cannanore, which is a harquebush shot distant from the chiefest city that the king of Cannanore hath in his kingdom, being a king of the Gentiles.”

“And he (the Zamorin) and his country are the nest and resting place for stranger thieves, and those be called ‘Moors of Carposa,’ because they wear on their heads long red hats ; and thieves part the spoils that they take on the sea with the King of Calicut, for he giveth leave unto all that will go a roving liberally to go ; in such wise that all along that coast there is such a number of thieves, that there is no sailing in those seas, but with great ships, and very well armed ; or else they must go in company with the army of the Portugals.” — (Eng. Translation.)

Just then (1530) another blow was impending still further to destroy Portuguese prestige, for on the death of Henry I, Spain subdued Portugal, and the control of their possessions in the East passed into Spanish hands, This event was almost contemporaneous with another which influenced the fate of India in general and of Malabar in particular, for in 1580-81 Holland, one of the seven “Northern United Provinces,” declared its independence of Spain.

And shortly after this other European nationalities began to trade directly with the East. About 1581-84 the Zamorin had had enough of fighting, and he arranged a treaty of peace with the new Viceroy Mascarenhas (the first appointed by Philip of Spain), whereby the Zamorin's subjects were permitted to trade as far as Gujarat, and to other parts as formerly, and to open trade with Arabia at the end of each season.

With the conclusion of this treaty of peace the interest in the narrative changes from Malabar to Europe, because it was only for a year or two more that the Portuguese enjoyed that monopoly of the Indian trade, particularly in Malabar pepper and spices, to which their efforts had hitherto been very consistently directed.

With the appearance on the scene of the Dutch, and afterwards of the English and of the French, this monopoly died a natural death. Moreover the Muhammadans, whose trade it was the policy of the Portuguese to ruin, again began after a while to exercise their former privileges under the favouring shelter of the European jealousies imported into the East.

It would be out of place here to trace out the influences which eventually resulted in the conquest of all the Portuguese possessions in India outside Goa. A few words will suffice to carry the history of the Malabar coast up to the next stage in its course, the conquest by the Dutch of the Portuguese settlements, culminating in that of Cochin.

In 1591 Captain Raymonds made an unsuccessful attempt to reach the East in three English ships. In 1594-95 Houtman organised the Dutch East India Company. In 1596 another English expedition to the East under Captain Wood was also unsuccessful. In 1597 two Dutch ships succeeded in reaching India, but the one was destroyed off Malacca by a fleet of six Portuguese ships, and the other was wrecked on the coast of Pegu.

In 1598 the Dutch under VanNec reached Amboyna, established trade, and also settled at Baroda. On 31st December 1600 the English East India Company of London was formed. Henry IV of France issued letters patent for the formation of a French East India Company on 1st June 1604, but it came to naught. In August 1607 or 1608 the first English ship reached Surat under Captain Hawkins. In 1609 the right of Holland to trade with India was formally recognised by treaty with Spain, and in 1610 the Dutch settled at Pulicat.

In 1612 the English factory at Surat was established, and in 1615 Captain Keeling with three English ships, the same which had brought Sir Thomas Roe on his embassy to the Great Mogul, arrived off Calicut, and concluded a treaty with the Zamorin. But it very soon transpired that all that the Zamorin wanted was to get assistance against the Portuguese for the conquest of Cranganore and Cochin, and when the English ships left without assisting him, very scant courtesy was shown to the ten persons left behind, who were to have founded a factory at Calicut.

In 1611-15 the United French East India Company was formed. In 1616 this United Company sent two ships to Java, and the result is described negatively as “not a failure” financially.

In 1617 the Dutch settled at Ahmedabad.

In 1619-20 the French Company sent an expedition to Acheen and Java, and it was fairly successful. In 1620-22 the Dutch settled in Persia and in other places tentatively.

In 1624 the English East India Company was invested with powers of Government. In 1634-35 the English East India Company entered into a treaty with the Portuguese by which the English gained free access to Portuguese ports. In consequence of this some Englishmen appear to have settled at Cochin, and in 1635 pepper was for the first time exported to England direct from Malabar. In 1636 other bodies than the English East India Company were empowered to trade with India, and the same was renewed in 1655.

In 1639 the English settled at Madras and the Dutch made their first attack on Goa. In 1640 Portugal recovered its independence from Spain. In 1642 Richelieu founded “La Compagnie des Indes” with exclusive privileges for twenty years, but the energies of the company were wasted in an ineffectual attempt to conquer Madagascar.

In 1647 the English East India Company began to enlist Members of Parliament among the subscribers to their stock ; hitherto they had been shy of enlisting ‘‘gentlemen” among their servants. In 1652-53 ensued the naval war between England and Holland in Europe, and the English factories in India suffered in consequence. In 1655 the Dutch settled at Vingorla. In 1657 the English East India Company obtained a new charter. In 1660 the Dutch made a second attack on Goa and failed.

In 1661 the English East India Company was re-incorporated by Charles II, and by the charter granted in this year the East India Company’s servants were authorised to make peace or war with any prince or people not being Christians, and to administer justice for themselves and their dependents. This provision materially improved the status of the chartered Company’s servants—who had up to this time been buccaneering adventurers rather than steady traders and one company had been seeking to discredit another.

Moreover in this same year Bombay was transferred to the English Crown as part of the Infanta Catherina’s dowry on her marriage with Charles II.

The following account of the capture of Cochin, and of the other Portuguese settlements in Malabar, is taken from Dr. Day’s “Land of the Permauls ; or Cochin, its Past and its Present,” p. 115. Dr. Day’s account was compiled from official records now in the Collector’s office at Calicut.

“Another power was now to become predominant in the East, another race was to try their hand at supremacy, and another religion to be introduced. The Portuguese had become objects of aversion to their old allies, the prince of Cochin, as they had deposed the Raja and created his aunt the Rani.

“The Dutch beginning to dislike the interference of the Mogul and others at Surat, wished to establish a settlement on the coast of Malabar, where they might be territorial sovereigns, as well as traders without being subject to the rapacious exactions of the Muhammadan Government, or the neighbourhood of their successful rivals, the English. Cochin appeared a suitable spot, so they determined to try and dispossess the Portuguese and occupy it themselves.

“In 1601 the Dutch entered into an agreement with the Paliat Achan, hereditary chief minister to the Cochin Raja, to assist them in their schemes. ‘When the Dutch planned the conquest of the coast, he (the Paliat Achan) materially assisted and met VanGoens, 12th March 1661, in a friendly manner and entered into an agreement the purport of which was that, as the Portuguese and other enemies had deprived him of his lands, he would place himself entirely under the protection of the Dutch, who were to restore him by force to his territories, whilst he was to obey them in all things.’

“This agreement was dated the same day on board the ship De Muscaatboom. The Dutch troops appeared on the northern side of Cochin at Vypeen, where VanGoens fixed his head-quarters at the Bishop’s house, and strongly fortified the Roman Catholic Church. Leaving eight hundred men to garrison it, VanGoens re-embarked the remainder of his force, and landed on the southern side of the town. The Raja of Cochin now openly asserted that he and the Dutch had entered into an alliance.

“VanGoens seized a church to the south, and made it his headquarters. He then attacked the Rani’s palace at Muttancherry, and after a struggle succeeded in taking it and making the Rani a prisoner. On the following day the Dutch attacked the fort of Cochin, but the officer commanding the storming party was killed, and they retreated in confusion. Regular approaches were now opened, but the old Portuguese spirit showed itself, and the garrison bravely defended themselves for several weeks, when the Raja of Porea1 came to their assistance with six thousand natives, and the Dutch determined to retreat.

NOTEs: 1. Purakkat. END OF NOTEs

“In the dead of the night they accordingly embarked in silence. When the morning broke, the Portuguese were amazed at finding their enemy’s camp abandoned. A Jew had sounded the hours as usual, thereby effectually deceiving them and preventing any sally on their part. Seven hundred men were left in the entrenchment at Vypeen. This year Tangacherry fell to the Dutch.

“As the Jews had favoured their enemies the Dutch, the Portuguese considered it necessary to punish them to prevent the recurrence of such conduct, and therefore immediately on the siege being raised, they plundered Jews’ Town of almost all it contained, attempted to destroy the synagogue, and carried off the Pentateuch, which was subsequently, in 1668, recovered uninjured.

“The absence of the Dutch was but temporary. In 1662 Cranganore fell to them; in October of that year they returned to Cochin under Hustart, but were vigorously met by the Portuguese, who in vain attempted to prevent their landing. The head-quarters of the Dutch were fixed at the convent of St. John the destruction of which had been unsuccessfully attempted by the garrison. In November VanGoens with a large number of troops joined the besiegers, but the garrison bravely determined to stand a siege.

“In December the Raja of Porea1 arrived with a large native force at Ernakulam, and threw supplies into the fort. It was therefore determined to attack him. The natives under Portuguese officers met their foes most gallantly and drove them back with great loss, and the Dutch were compelled to bring up fresh troops before the Porea contingent could be routed.

“But the Portuguese still held out, so the Dutch with the assistance of the troops of their ally the Raja of Cochin and the Paliat Achan, determined on storming the fort, and for eight days and nights were enabled to keep up a succession of assailants, the troops being relieved every three hours. A remnant of the glorious valour of the early Portuguese appears to have animated this little band of their descendants in so long maintaining such an obstinate defence.

At length, when the Portuguese commandant Pierre de Pon found that no assistance could reach him, that his native allies had forsaken him and had joined the new European power, that provisions were becoming very scarce, and all were worn out with fatigue and anxiety, he capitulated, and the Dutch became masters of Cochin on the 8th January 1663.

“Four hundred topasses who were not included in the terms of the capitulation on discovering the omission, and knowing the cruel and licentious character of the Dutch soldiery in India, drew up close to the gate at which the Portuguese were to march out and the Dutch to enter, declaring that if equally favourable terms were not granted to them as to the Portuguese, they would massacre them all and set fire to the town. It was deemed advisable to accede to their demands, and subsequently some of them even enlisted in the Dutch service.”

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